5 people, 4 companies indicted in Iran exports
AP — Five people and four companies have been indicted for allegedly plotting to export 6,000 radio control devices to Iran, including 16 of the items that were found in improvised explosive devices in Iraq, the Justice Department announced Tuesday.
Authorities in Singapore arrested four people in the case Monday. The fifth defendant is a resident of Iran who remains at large.
According to the indictment, in 2008 and 2009, U.S.-led forces in Iraq recovered numerous radio controls manufactured by a Minnesota firm used in a remote detonation system for IEDs. The radio devices can transmit data wirelessly as far as 40 miles with a powerful antenna.
The defendants allegedly made tens of thousands of dollars for arranging the transportation of the 6,000 radio devices in five shipments from June 2007 to February 2008.
Some of the defendants also are accused of conspiracy involving exports of military antennas to Singapore and Hong Kong.
The defendant who is at large, Hossein Larijani, is a citizen of Iran. The four people arrested are all citizens of Singapore. They are Wong Yuh Lan, Lim Yong Nam, Lim Kow Seng and Hia Soo Gan Benson.
Wong, Nam, Seng and Hia allegedly conspired in the shipment of 6,000 of the radio control devices from a Minnesota company through Singapore to Iran.
The indictment in federal court in Washington alleges conspiracy to defraud the U.S., smuggling, illegal export of goods from the U.S. to Iran, illegal export of defense articles from the U.S., false statements and obstruction of justice.
Assistant attorney general Lisa Monaco says the charges underscore the ongoing threat posed by Iranian networks seeking to obtain U.S. technology. Monaco runs the Justice Department’s national security division.
In a coordinated move, the Commerce Department added the five defendants and 10 other persons and companies associated with this alleged conspiracy in China, Hong Kong, Iran and Singapore to its Entity List. With this move, the Commerce Department required that a U.S. government license be obtained before any item subject to Commerce regulation can be exported to the 15, with a presumption that such a license would be denied.
IEDs caused roughly 60 percent of American combat casualties in Iraq between 2001 and 2007, according to the indictment.
The defendants allegedly communicated with one another about U.S. laws prohibiting the export of U.S.-origin goods to Iran. From October 2007 to June 2009, Nam contacted Larijani in Iran at least half a dozen times and discussed the Iran prohibitions and U.S. prosecutions for violation of these laws, according to the indictment. Nam allegedly told U.S. authorities he had never participated in illicit exports to Iran, even though he had participated in five such shipments.
Larijani, 47, was charged along with his companies Paya Electronics Complex, based in Iran, and Opto Electronics Pte, Ltd., based in Singapore. Wong, 39, was an agent of Opto Electronics; he was allegedly supervised by Larijani from Iran. The indictment also charged NEL Electronics Pte. Ltd., a company in Singapore, along with NEL’s owner and director, Nam, 37. The indictment charged Corezing International Pte. Ltd., a company in Singapore that maintained offices in China. Seng, 42, was allegedly an agent of Corezing. Hia, 44, was allegedly a manager, director and agent of Corezing.
In January 2010, the U.S. Commerce Department placed Larijani’s company, Opto Electronics, on the list of companies that cannot buy items that have a military use without obtaining U.S. government licenses.
From Iran, Larijani repeatedly asked the Commerce Department to remove his company from the list.
Commerce Department officials replied that Larijani needed to disclose whether he or his firm had any involvement with Majid Kakavand or Evertop Services Sdn Bhd. Kakavand is an accused Iranian procurement agent under indictment in the U.S., along with his Malaysian company, Evertop Services. Kakavand, a fugitive believed to be in Iran, and Evertop are accused of illegally exporting U.S. goods to military entities in Iran for that nation’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs.
On three occasions, Larijani denied to the Commerce Department that he or his company, Opto Electronics, had done any business with Kakavand or Evertop Services. The indictment says Larijani had been in communication with others about his business dealings with Kakavand on at least five occasions from 2006 through 2009.
In a separate alleged conspiracy, Seng, Hia and the Corezing firm were involved in the illegal export to Singapore and Hong Kong of two types of military antennas used aboard ships and military aircraft such as the F-4 Phantom, the F-15, the F-111, the A-10 Thunderbolt II and the F-16 combat jet. The antennas were shipped from a Massachusetts company to Singapore and Hong Kong without a required State Department license
Authorities in Singapore arrested four people in the case Monday. The fifth defendant is a resident of Iran who remains at large.
According to the indictment, in 2008 and 2009, U.S.-led forces in Iraq recovered numerous radio controls manufactured by a Minnesota firm used in a remote detonation system for IEDs. The radio devices can transmit data wirelessly as far as 40 miles with a powerful antenna.
The defendants allegedly made tens of thousands of dollars for arranging the transportation of the 6,000 radio devices in five shipments from June 2007 to February 2008.
Some of the defendants also are accused of conspiracy involving exports of military antennas to Singapore and Hong Kong.
The defendant who is at large, Hossein Larijani, is a citizen of Iran. The four people arrested are all citizens of Singapore. They are Wong Yuh Lan, Lim Yong Nam, Lim Kow Seng and Hia Soo Gan Benson.
Wong, Nam, Seng and Hia allegedly conspired in the shipment of 6,000 of the radio control devices from a Minnesota company through Singapore to Iran.
The indictment in federal court in Washington alleges conspiracy to defraud the U.S., smuggling, illegal export of goods from the U.S. to Iran, illegal export of defense articles from the U.S., false statements and obstruction of justice.
Assistant attorney general Lisa Monaco says the charges underscore the ongoing threat posed by Iranian networks seeking to obtain U.S. technology. Monaco runs the Justice Department’s national security division.
In a coordinated move, the Commerce Department added the five defendants and 10 other persons and companies associated with this alleged conspiracy in China, Hong Kong, Iran and Singapore to its Entity List. With this move, the Commerce Department required that a U.S. government license be obtained before any item subject to Commerce regulation can be exported to the 15, with a presumption that such a license would be denied.
IEDs caused roughly 60 percent of American combat casualties in Iraq between 2001 and 2007, according to the indictment.
The defendants allegedly communicated with one another about U.S. laws prohibiting the export of U.S.-origin goods to Iran. From October 2007 to June 2009, Nam contacted Larijani in Iran at least half a dozen times and discussed the Iran prohibitions and U.S. prosecutions for violation of these laws, according to the indictment. Nam allegedly told U.S. authorities he had never participated in illicit exports to Iran, even though he had participated in five such shipments.
Larijani, 47, was charged along with his companies Paya Electronics Complex, based in Iran, and Opto Electronics Pte, Ltd., based in Singapore. Wong, 39, was an agent of Opto Electronics; he was allegedly supervised by Larijani from Iran. The indictment also charged NEL Electronics Pte. Ltd., a company in Singapore, along with NEL’s owner and director, Nam, 37. The indictment charged Corezing International Pte. Ltd., a company in Singapore that maintained offices in China. Seng, 42, was allegedly an agent of Corezing. Hia, 44, was allegedly a manager, director and agent of Corezing.
In January 2010, the U.S. Commerce Department placed Larijani’s company, Opto Electronics, on the list of companies that cannot buy items that have a military use without obtaining U.S. government licenses.
From Iran, Larijani repeatedly asked the Commerce Department to remove his company from the list.
Commerce Department officials replied that Larijani needed to disclose whether he or his firm had any involvement with Majid Kakavand or Evertop Services Sdn Bhd. Kakavand is an accused Iranian procurement agent under indictment in the U.S., along with his Malaysian company, Evertop Services. Kakavand, a fugitive believed to be in Iran, and Evertop are accused of illegally exporting U.S. goods to military entities in Iran for that nation’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs.
On three occasions, Larijani denied to the Commerce Department that he or his company, Opto Electronics, had done any business with Kakavand or Evertop Services. The indictment says Larijani had been in communication with others about his business dealings with Kakavand on at least five occasions from 2006 through 2009.
In a separate alleged conspiracy, Seng, Hia and the Corezing firm were involved in the illegal export to Singapore and Hong Kong of two types of military antennas used aboard ships and military aircraft such as the F-4 Phantom, the F-15, the F-111, the A-10 Thunderbolt II and the F-16 combat jet. The antennas were shipped from a Massachusetts company to Singapore and Hong Kong without a required State Department license
سیامک اردوبازارچیان روانه زندان تبریز شد
خبرگزاری هرانا: سیامک اردوبازارچیان از اعضای گروه موسوم به نهضت سبز آزادی و فعال ستاد میر حسین موسوی پس از تائید محکومیت جهت اجرای حکم روانه زندان تبریز شد.
ارگان خبری مجموعه فعالان حقوق بشر در ایران، این فعال سیاسی ساکن تبریز که از سوی دادگاه انقلاب به شش ماه حبس تعزیری محکوم شده است پس از تائید محکومیت از سوی دادگاه تجدید نظر استان روانه زندان مرکزی تبریز شد.
سیامک اردوبازارچیان از فعالین ستاد انتخاباتی میر حسین موسوی در دهمین دورهٔ انتخابات ریاست جمهوری در آذربایجان شرقی بود که به همین علت در شهریورماه سال ۸۸ از دانشگاه اخراج شده است وی از سوی شعبه یک دادگاه انقلاب تبریز به ریاست رحیم حمابر به شش ماه حبس تعزیری از بابت اتهام تشکیل گروه «نهضت سبز آزادی» محکوم شد وی هم چنین از سوی این دادگاه به ۱۰ میلیون ریال جزای نقدی از بابت اتهام توهین به رهبری محکوم شده است.
این روزنامه نگار و فعال اصلاح طلب ساکن تبریز در تجدید نظرخواهی حکم صادره از سوی شعبه ۱۹ به ریاست یحیی میرزا محمدی توفیقی حاصل نکرد و با محکومیت قطعی شش ماهه مواجه شد.
ارگان خبری مجموعه فعالان حقوق بشر در ایران، این فعال سیاسی ساکن تبریز که از سوی دادگاه انقلاب به شش ماه حبس تعزیری محکوم شده است پس از تائید محکومیت از سوی دادگاه تجدید نظر استان روانه زندان مرکزی تبریز شد.
سیامک اردوبازارچیان از فعالین ستاد انتخاباتی میر حسین موسوی در دهمین دورهٔ انتخابات ریاست جمهوری در آذربایجان شرقی بود که به همین علت در شهریورماه سال ۸۸ از دانشگاه اخراج شده است وی از سوی شعبه یک دادگاه انقلاب تبریز به ریاست رحیم حمابر به شش ماه حبس تعزیری از بابت اتهام تشکیل گروه «نهضت سبز آزادی» محکوم شد وی هم چنین از سوی این دادگاه به ۱۰ میلیون ریال جزای نقدی از بابت اتهام توهین به رهبری محکوم شده است.
این روزنامه نگار و فعال اصلاح طلب ساکن تبریز در تجدید نظرخواهی حکم صادره از سوی شعبه ۱۹ به ریاست یحیی میرزا محمدی توفیقی حاصل نکرد و با محکومیت قطعی شش ماهه مواجه شد.
Tehran’s new plan to dominate the region – and beyond
CNN - While much of the world’s attention focuses on Iran’s nuclear program, Tehran has made considerable progress on another security front in recent years – steadily increasing the reach and lethality of its naval forces. The goal by 2025, if all goes as the country has planned, is to have a navy that can deploy anywhere within a strategic triangle from the Strait of Hormuz to the Red Sea to the Strait of Malacca.
Should such plans materialize – and Iran is making steady progress – Tehran would redraw the strategic calculus of an already volatile region. The Persian Gulf is home to some of the world’s most valuable supply lines, routes that are vital to the global energy supply. In the last few years, Iran has invested heavily in a domestic defense industry that now has the ability to produce large-scale warships, submarines, and missiles.
Since the end of the Iran-Iraq War in 1988, Iran has largely pursued a strategy of deterrence. Its ground forces, which number roughly 450,000, are trained and equipped to fight a prolonged, asymmetric defensive battle on its own territory. Likewise, Iran’s air force can protect high value domestic targets such as the Natanz uranium enrichment facility and numerous military and political headquarters inside Tehran; it is incapable of long-range strike missions abroad. Iran simply does not possess the capability to project hard power into neighboring states.
But Iran’s navy is different. It is the best organized, best trained, and best equipped service of the country’s conventional military establishment. More than a nuclear weapons program, which would likely function as a passive deterrent, Iran’s navy is an active component of Iran’s activist foreign policy. The country’s leadership, including Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has repeatedly said that Iran’s navy is the critical foundation on which its long-term development and prosperity rests.
Iran actually has two navies – the Islamic Republic of Iran Navy (IRIN) and the vaunted Iran Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy (IRGCN). The responsibilities of both have been expanding since 2007. The IRIN operates conventional surface and subsurface platforms and fulfills a more traditional naval role. It is now responsible for the Caspian Sea, the Gulf of Oman, and the blue waters outside the Persian Gulf. The IRGCN, which executes asymmetric operations with swarms of small boats that overwhelm the defenses of larger ships, has been tasked with defending the Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz. This reorganization reflects Tehran’s desire to be a naval power that can deploy and operate well outside Persian Gulf waters (via the IRIN) while still retaining formidable coastal defenses in the Persian Gulf (via the IRGCN).
Evidence of Iran’s growing naval assertiveness is already on display. In December 2010, Iran participated in a training exercise with Djibouti during a port call there. Tehran sailed away from that engagement with a partnership agreement that could allow Iran to use Djibouti as a logistical base supporting a larger and persistent Iranian presence in the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea. Two months later, for the first time since 1979, Iran sent two ships through the Suez Canal to the Eastern Mediterranean, inducing the ire of both Israel and the United States. Neither country retaliated, but Israel closely tracked the ships as they sailed along the Israeli coast. This summer, Iran sent one of its Kilo class submarines to the Red Sea on a counter-piracy operation. Finally, Iran recently asserted plans to send naval patrols to the Western Atlantic. Although Iran probably doesn’t have the capacity for such a mission, this kind of rhetoric speaks to Tehran’s grand ambitions and is a way of emphasizing what it sees as the illegitimacy of the U.S. naval presence in the Persian Gulf.
On numerous occasions in recent years, IRGCN small boats have come dangerously close to U.S. and Western naval ships operating in the Persian Gulf. By all accounts, this is not an abnormal occurrence and usually ends with the small boat being turned away. But a recent change has increased the danger of escalation. Since 2005, Iran has been decentralizing command and control, not requiring subordinate commanders to get approval for all actions from senior leaders in Tehran. Thus, an IRGCN boat commander was able to take the initiative and capture a small crew of British sailors in 2007, a tactical action with strategic consequences. Should the IRGCN become more assertive, such engagements could spiral out of control.
Iran’s emboldened navy is also increasing the country’s influence throughout the region. The navy is the only service with the operational reach to visit countries that do not share a border with Iran. These visits help foster good political relations, but, more important, they provide a foundation for military-to-military ties that can also yield operational benefits. For example, using ports in places such as Djibouti as resupply points allows Iran to increase the length and duration of deployments to waters outside its navy’s traditional areas of operation. More worryingly, such an extended reach could also allow the IRIN to deliver weapons to various Iranian proxy groups abroad.
Moreover, the United States must now contend with the presence of IRIN ships well outside the Persian Gulf. This has enormous implications for U.S. military planners and commanders – for example, it could force the U.S. Navy to implement increased force protection measures in waters, such as the Red Sea, that were once considered less volatile. Iran could soon have the ability to deny the U.S. entry through the Strait of Hormuz and into the Persian Gulf.
In many ways, the origins of Iran’s naval buildup stem from embargoes that the U.S. slapped on Tehran during its war with Iraq, more than two decades ago. Since then, Tehran has sought what it calls “self-sufficiency.” It has invested heavily in a domestic defense industrial base. Employing Chinese, Russian, and North Korean technology, Iran has begun building its own ships, submarines, and missiles.
That industry is now producing. In 2010, the IRIN put its first domestically manufactured traditional surface combatant, the Mowj class destroyer, to sea. Tehran has also built four Combattante II class guided missile patrol boats. In August 2010, it expanded the Peykaap/Tir class line, a fast-attack craft capable of carrying anti-ship cruise missiles and hitting a cruising speed of 55 knots. The U.S. Office of Naval Intelligence says that these programs “demonstrate Iran’s ability to produce mid- to large-size ships” and “will likely be followed by others.”
Iran is also producing its own submarines and missiles. It has added multiple Ghadir class mini-subs to its order of battle since the reorganization. In 2007, Iran had only three in service. Now it has eleven, with another nine expected in the next three years. In 2008 Tehran announced the opening of a production line for a larger, more potent submarine platform, the 1,000 ton Qa’em class. It is working on its own missile designs, too, by reverse-engineering older Chinese models. The IRGCN test fired one such missile last spring, claiming an effective range of 186 miles. Last month, Tehran announced that it had begun full production of one based on those tests.
Reaction to the buildup in the Gulf has been mixed. For most of the six states that make up the Gulf Cooperation Council, Iran’s nuclear program remains the dominant regional security concern. With the United States’ Fifth Fleet stationed in Bahrain and serving as the prime guarantor of maritime security across the region, the GCC has displayed little angst over Iran’s growing naval power. Saudi Arabia, however, has been taking Tehran’s growing assertiveness seriously. According to news reports, Riyadh is looking to spend another $30 billion to upgrade the Royal Saudi Navy (on top of the $60 billion arms deal that Washington and Riyadh signed in 2010). Final word on the new agreement could be announced by the end of the year.
Washington, meanwhile, has responded in a few different ways. Then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen suggested last month that Tehran and Washington link up a hotline to avoid miscommunication and prevent accidental tactical naval engagements from spiraling out of control. Tehran rejected the idea, presumably because it would give legitimacy to an ongoing U.S. naval presence in the Persian Gulf. Asked about Iran’s September announcement that it would deploy naval vessels to the U.S. Atlantic coast, White House spokesman Jay Carney dismissed the possibility, saying that the White House did not take such pronouncements seriously.
Iran will obviously never reach naval parity with the United States, but the GCC countries, even with their newer, Western-supplied ships, would likely find themselves on the losing end of a naval engagement with Iran, mainly because of their minimal force numbers and their inability to coordinate any naval campaign. As long as the United States continues to provide maritime security in the Middle East, the GCC will be able to rest easy. But Iran has a head start and the GCC should start thinking about implementing a naval modernization and development plan of its own.
Should such plans materialize – and Iran is making steady progress – Tehran would redraw the strategic calculus of an already volatile region. The Persian Gulf is home to some of the world’s most valuable supply lines, routes that are vital to the global energy supply. In the last few years, Iran has invested heavily in a domestic defense industry that now has the ability to produce large-scale warships, submarines, and missiles.
Since the end of the Iran-Iraq War in 1988, Iran has largely pursued a strategy of deterrence. Its ground forces, which number roughly 450,000, are trained and equipped to fight a prolonged, asymmetric defensive battle on its own territory. Likewise, Iran’s air force can protect high value domestic targets such as the Natanz uranium enrichment facility and numerous military and political headquarters inside Tehran; it is incapable of long-range strike missions abroad. Iran simply does not possess the capability to project hard power into neighboring states.
But Iran’s navy is different. It is the best organized, best trained, and best equipped service of the country’s conventional military establishment. More than a nuclear weapons program, which would likely function as a passive deterrent, Iran’s navy is an active component of Iran’s activist foreign policy. The country’s leadership, including Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has repeatedly said that Iran’s navy is the critical foundation on which its long-term development and prosperity rests.
Iran actually has two navies – the Islamic Republic of Iran Navy (IRIN) and the vaunted Iran Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy (IRGCN). The responsibilities of both have been expanding since 2007. The IRIN operates conventional surface and subsurface platforms and fulfills a more traditional naval role. It is now responsible for the Caspian Sea, the Gulf of Oman, and the blue waters outside the Persian Gulf. The IRGCN, which executes asymmetric operations with swarms of small boats that overwhelm the defenses of larger ships, has been tasked with defending the Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz. This reorganization reflects Tehran’s desire to be a naval power that can deploy and operate well outside Persian Gulf waters (via the IRIN) while still retaining formidable coastal defenses in the Persian Gulf (via the IRGCN).
Evidence of Iran’s growing naval assertiveness is already on display. In December 2010, Iran participated in a training exercise with Djibouti during a port call there. Tehran sailed away from that engagement with a partnership agreement that could allow Iran to use Djibouti as a logistical base supporting a larger and persistent Iranian presence in the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea. Two months later, for the first time since 1979, Iran sent two ships through the Suez Canal to the Eastern Mediterranean, inducing the ire of both Israel and the United States. Neither country retaliated, but Israel closely tracked the ships as they sailed along the Israeli coast. This summer, Iran sent one of its Kilo class submarines to the Red Sea on a counter-piracy operation. Finally, Iran recently asserted plans to send naval patrols to the Western Atlantic. Although Iran probably doesn’t have the capacity for such a mission, this kind of rhetoric speaks to Tehran’s grand ambitions and is a way of emphasizing what it sees as the illegitimacy of the U.S. naval presence in the Persian Gulf.
On numerous occasions in recent years, IRGCN small boats have come dangerously close to U.S. and Western naval ships operating in the Persian Gulf. By all accounts, this is not an abnormal occurrence and usually ends with the small boat being turned away. But a recent change has increased the danger of escalation. Since 2005, Iran has been decentralizing command and control, not requiring subordinate commanders to get approval for all actions from senior leaders in Tehran. Thus, an IRGCN boat commander was able to take the initiative and capture a small crew of British sailors in 2007, a tactical action with strategic consequences. Should the IRGCN become more assertive, such engagements could spiral out of control.
Iran’s emboldened navy is also increasing the country’s influence throughout the region. The navy is the only service with the operational reach to visit countries that do not share a border with Iran. These visits help foster good political relations, but, more important, they provide a foundation for military-to-military ties that can also yield operational benefits. For example, using ports in places such as Djibouti as resupply points allows Iran to increase the length and duration of deployments to waters outside its navy’s traditional areas of operation. More worryingly, such an extended reach could also allow the IRIN to deliver weapons to various Iranian proxy groups abroad.
Moreover, the United States must now contend with the presence of IRIN ships well outside the Persian Gulf. This has enormous implications for U.S. military planners and commanders – for example, it could force the U.S. Navy to implement increased force protection measures in waters, such as the Red Sea, that were once considered less volatile. Iran could soon have the ability to deny the U.S. entry through the Strait of Hormuz and into the Persian Gulf.
In many ways, the origins of Iran’s naval buildup stem from embargoes that the U.S. slapped on Tehran during its war with Iraq, more than two decades ago. Since then, Tehran has sought what it calls “self-sufficiency.” It has invested heavily in a domestic defense industrial base. Employing Chinese, Russian, and North Korean technology, Iran has begun building its own ships, submarines, and missiles.
That industry is now producing. In 2010, the IRIN put its first domestically manufactured traditional surface combatant, the Mowj class destroyer, to sea. Tehran has also built four Combattante II class guided missile patrol boats. In August 2010, it expanded the Peykaap/Tir class line, a fast-attack craft capable of carrying anti-ship cruise missiles and hitting a cruising speed of 55 knots. The U.S. Office of Naval Intelligence says that these programs “demonstrate Iran’s ability to produce mid- to large-size ships” and “will likely be followed by others.”
Iran is also producing its own submarines and missiles. It has added multiple Ghadir class mini-subs to its order of battle since the reorganization. In 2007, Iran had only three in service. Now it has eleven, with another nine expected in the next three years. In 2008 Tehran announced the opening of a production line for a larger, more potent submarine platform, the 1,000 ton Qa’em class. It is working on its own missile designs, too, by reverse-engineering older Chinese models. The IRGCN test fired one such missile last spring, claiming an effective range of 186 miles. Last month, Tehran announced that it had begun full production of one based on those tests.
Reaction to the buildup in the Gulf has been mixed. For most of the six states that make up the Gulf Cooperation Council, Iran’s nuclear program remains the dominant regional security concern. With the United States’ Fifth Fleet stationed in Bahrain and serving as the prime guarantor of maritime security across the region, the GCC has displayed little angst over Iran’s growing naval power. Saudi Arabia, however, has been taking Tehran’s growing assertiveness seriously. According to news reports, Riyadh is looking to spend another $30 billion to upgrade the Royal Saudi Navy (on top of the $60 billion arms deal that Washington and Riyadh signed in 2010). Final word on the new agreement could be announced by the end of the year.
Washington, meanwhile, has responded in a few different ways. Then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen suggested last month that Tehran and Washington link up a hotline to avoid miscommunication and prevent accidental tactical naval engagements from spiraling out of control. Tehran rejected the idea, presumably because it would give legitimacy to an ongoing U.S. naval presence in the Persian Gulf. Asked about Iran’s September announcement that it would deploy naval vessels to the U.S. Atlantic coast, White House spokesman Jay Carney dismissed the possibility, saying that the White House did not take such pronouncements seriously.
Iran will obviously never reach naval parity with the United States, but the GCC countries, even with their newer, Western-supplied ships, would likely find themselves on the losing end of a naval engagement with Iran, mainly because of their minimal force numbers and their inability to coordinate any naval campaign. As long as the United States continues to provide maritime security in the Middle East, the GCC will be able to rest easy. But Iran has a head start and the GCC should start thinking about implementing a naval modernization and development plan of its own.
گزارشی از آخرین وضعیت سعید جلالیفر در زندان
کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر: سعید جلالیفر، فعال حقوق بشر، که در روز ۸ مردادماه در پی مراجعه به دادگاه انقلاب، بازداشت شده بود، همچنان در بند ۳۵۰ زندان اوین به سر میبرد.
طبق اخبار رسیده در روزهای گذشته وی مجددا از سوی بازجوی خود احضار شده و در خصوص پروندهٔ جدیدی که هنوز از مفاد آن اطلاعی در دست نیست، مورد تفهیم اتهام قرار گرفته است.
سعید جلالیفر، از اعضای کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر بوده است که در تاریخ ۹ آذرماه ۸۸، همزمان با شدت گرفتن برخورد با اعضای کمیته بازداشت شد و بیش از سه ماه در بند ۲۰۹ زندان اوین به سر برد. وی در روزهای پایانی سال ۸۸ با سپردن قرار وثیقه ۱۰۰ میلیون تومانی از زندان آزاد شد.
سعید جلالیفر، در حالی از سوی دادگاه در مورد وثیقهاش تحت فشار قرار گرفت که تا زمان بازداشت، برای وی دادگاهی تشکیل نشده بود. قاضی مقیسه رئیس شعبه ۲۸ دادگاه انقلاب، پس از چند بار احضار و به دلیل عدم حضور او در دادگاه، دستور به ضبط وثیقه این فعال حقوق بشر داد. سعید جلالیفر پس از آن به دادگاه انقلاب مراجعه کرد و به دستور قاضی بازداشت شد. وی سپس از سوی همین شعبه به اتهام «اجتماع و تبانی علیه نظام» به تحمل ۳ سال حبس تعزیری محکوم شد که این حکم با اعتراض وی به دادگاه تجدید نظر ارجاع شده است.
در دو سال گذشته و پس از برگزاری انتخابات ریاست جمهوری سال ۸۸، کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر از جمله تشکلهایی بود که تحت شدیدترین هجمههای امنیتی قرار گرفت و اکثریت اعضای آن مورد بازداشت قرار گرفتد.
پریسا کاکایی، سعید کلانکی، سعید حائری، مهرداد رحیمی، کوهیار گودرزی، شیوا نظرآهاری، سعید جلالیفر، علی کلایی و نوید خانجانی از جمله افرادی بودند که توسط نیروهای امنیتی بازداشت شده و سپس در دادگاه مورد محاکمه قرار گرفتند.
هماکنون اکثر افراد نامبرده دارای حکمهای حبس تعزیری از سوی دادگاه انقلاب هستند.
این در حالی است که کوهیار گودرزی، دبیر سابق کمیته همچنان در شرایط نامعلومی در بازداشت نیروهای امنیتی به سر میبرد.
طبق اخبار رسیده در روزهای گذشته وی مجددا از سوی بازجوی خود احضار شده و در خصوص پروندهٔ جدیدی که هنوز از مفاد آن اطلاعی در دست نیست، مورد تفهیم اتهام قرار گرفته است.
سعید جلالیفر، از اعضای کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر بوده است که در تاریخ ۹ آذرماه ۸۸، همزمان با شدت گرفتن برخورد با اعضای کمیته بازداشت شد و بیش از سه ماه در بند ۲۰۹ زندان اوین به سر برد. وی در روزهای پایانی سال ۸۸ با سپردن قرار وثیقه ۱۰۰ میلیون تومانی از زندان آزاد شد.
سعید جلالیفر، در حالی از سوی دادگاه در مورد وثیقهاش تحت فشار قرار گرفت که تا زمان بازداشت، برای وی دادگاهی تشکیل نشده بود. قاضی مقیسه رئیس شعبه ۲۸ دادگاه انقلاب، پس از چند بار احضار و به دلیل عدم حضور او در دادگاه، دستور به ضبط وثیقه این فعال حقوق بشر داد. سعید جلالیفر پس از آن به دادگاه انقلاب مراجعه کرد و به دستور قاضی بازداشت شد. وی سپس از سوی همین شعبه به اتهام «اجتماع و تبانی علیه نظام» به تحمل ۳ سال حبس تعزیری محکوم شد که این حکم با اعتراض وی به دادگاه تجدید نظر ارجاع شده است.
در دو سال گذشته و پس از برگزاری انتخابات ریاست جمهوری سال ۸۸، کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر از جمله تشکلهایی بود که تحت شدیدترین هجمههای امنیتی قرار گرفت و اکثریت اعضای آن مورد بازداشت قرار گرفتد.
پریسا کاکایی، سعید کلانکی، سعید حائری، مهرداد رحیمی، کوهیار گودرزی، شیوا نظرآهاری، سعید جلالیفر، علی کلایی و نوید خانجانی از جمله افرادی بودند که توسط نیروهای امنیتی بازداشت شده و سپس در دادگاه مورد محاکمه قرار گرفتند.
هماکنون اکثر افراد نامبرده دارای حکمهای حبس تعزیری از سوی دادگاه انقلاب هستند.
این در حالی است که کوهیار گودرزی، دبیر سابق کمیته همچنان در شرایط نامعلومی در بازداشت نیروهای امنیتی به سر میبرد.
U.S. defense secretary warns Iran against meddling in Iraq after troops leave
U.S. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta said that even after the last of the 39,000 combat troops are out of Iraq the U.S. will maintain a significant presence in the Middle East. (Reuters)
U.S. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta on Wednesday warned Iran that it should not meddle in Iraq when American forces leave the country at the end of this year.
The Pentagon chief said that even after the last of the 39,000 combat troops are out of Iraq, the U.S. will maintain a significant presence in the Middle East.
“As the president announced, we are going to wind down our combat forces in Iraq by the end of this year,” he told U.S. service personnel during a visit to Tokyo.
“The mission there was to develop an Iraq that could govern and secure itself and we will maintain a long-term relationship with Iraq.”
“The message to Iran and everybody else that might have any ideas there is that the U.S. is going to have a presence in the region for a long time to come.”
Panetta’s comments come at the end of a three-day visit to Japan, part of a tour of Asian allies where he has emphasized Washington’s commitment to the Pacific theatre, despite deep cuts to the U.S. military budget.
They also come days after U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton aired similar views after Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said Tehran had “special relations” with Baghdad.
“No one, most particularly Iran, should miscalculate about our continuing commitment to and with the Iraqis going forward,” Clinton said in an interview with CNN.
President Barack Obama announced on Friday that all remaining American troops would leave Iraq by the end of 2011, keeping a campaign promise, after Washington and Baghdad failed to reach agreement on maintaining perhaps thousands of troops as trainers.
Earlier this week, the speaker of Iraq’s parliament accused neighboring nations of meddling in Iraqi affairs and signaled it will only get worse if the country is seen as vulnerable after U.S. troops leave at the end of the year.
Speaker Osama al-Nujaifi, a Sunni Muslim, did not name the Mideast nations and did not offer specifics. Iraq’s Sunnis long have worried about Iran’s burgeoning influence in Baghdad, where the Shiite-dominated government has built ties with Tehran since the 2003 fall of Saddam Hussein.
“Iraq now suffers from points of weakness,” al-Nujaifi told a news conference in Baghdad. “If neighboring countries see that Iraq is weak and incapable of protecting its borders and internal security, then definitely there will be interference. This interference does exist now.”
Limiting Iran’s influence in Baghdad was a top U.S. pitch to keep American troops in Iraq past the December 31 withdrawal deadline set in a 2008 security agreement. Washington has feared that meddling by Iran, a Shiite Muslim theocracy, could inflame tensions between Iraq’s majority Shiites and minority Sunnis, setting off a chain reaction of violence and disputes across the Mideast.
About 39,000 U.S. troops remain in Iraq, down from 166,000 in October 2007, the peak of the American military surge to curb sectarian killings that brought the country to the brink of civil war.
Speaking to reporters in Bali, Indonesia on Monday, Panetta noted that an estimated 40,000 U.S. troops will be stationed across the Mideast even after the Iraq withdrawal, including about 23,000 in neighboring Kuwait.
U.S. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta on Wednesday warned Iran that it should not meddle in Iraq when American forces leave the country at the end of this year.
The Pentagon chief said that even after the last of the 39,000 combat troops are out of Iraq, the U.S. will maintain a significant presence in the Middle East.
“As the president announced, we are going to wind down our combat forces in Iraq by the end of this year,” he told U.S. service personnel during a visit to Tokyo.
“The mission there was to develop an Iraq that could govern and secure itself and we will maintain a long-term relationship with Iraq.”
“The message to Iran and everybody else that might have any ideas there is that the U.S. is going to have a presence in the region for a long time to come.”
Panetta’s comments come at the end of a three-day visit to Japan, part of a tour of Asian allies where he has emphasized Washington’s commitment to the Pacific theatre, despite deep cuts to the U.S. military budget.
They also come days after U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton aired similar views after Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said Tehran had “special relations” with Baghdad.
“No one, most particularly Iran, should miscalculate about our continuing commitment to and with the Iraqis going forward,” Clinton said in an interview with CNN.
President Barack Obama announced on Friday that all remaining American troops would leave Iraq by the end of 2011, keeping a campaign promise, after Washington and Baghdad failed to reach agreement on maintaining perhaps thousands of troops as trainers.
Earlier this week, the speaker of Iraq’s parliament accused neighboring nations of meddling in Iraqi affairs and signaled it will only get worse if the country is seen as vulnerable after U.S. troops leave at the end of the year.
Speaker Osama al-Nujaifi, a Sunni Muslim, did not name the Mideast nations and did not offer specifics. Iraq’s Sunnis long have worried about Iran’s burgeoning influence in Baghdad, where the Shiite-dominated government has built ties with Tehran since the 2003 fall of Saddam Hussein.
“Iraq now suffers from points of weakness,” al-Nujaifi told a news conference in Baghdad. “If neighboring countries see that Iraq is weak and incapable of protecting its borders and internal security, then definitely there will be interference. This interference does exist now.”
Limiting Iran’s influence in Baghdad was a top U.S. pitch to keep American troops in Iraq past the December 31 withdrawal deadline set in a 2008 security agreement. Washington has feared that meddling by Iran, a Shiite Muslim theocracy, could inflame tensions between Iraq’s majority Shiites and minority Sunnis, setting off a chain reaction of violence and disputes across the Mideast.
About 39,000 U.S. troops remain in Iraq, down from 166,000 in October 2007, the peak of the American military surge to curb sectarian killings that brought the country to the brink of civil war.
Speaking to reporters in Bali, Indonesia on Monday, Panetta noted that an estimated 40,000 U.S. troops will be stationed across the Mideast even after the Iraq withdrawal, including about 23,000 in neighboring Kuwait.
سند:نقش وزیراقتصاد در پرونده 3هزار میلیاردی
در حالی در هفتههای اخیر مسئولان بانك مركزی و وزارت اقتصاد و امور دارایی در موضعگیریهای خود درباره فساد مالی بزرگ رخ داده توسط گروه آریا تاكید میكنند آنها پیش از این به بانكها هشدار داده بودند كه به این گروه هیچ تسهیلاتی پرداخت نشود كه دو سند به دست آمده حاكی از نقض این گفتهها توسط وزیر امور اقتصاد و دارایی است
به گزارش سفیر، حنطهای مدیركل دفتر بازرسی وزارت اقتصاد در مهرماه سال 88 طی نامهای به مسئولان بانك صادرات، تاكید میكند كه به شركت سرمایهگذاری امیرمنصور آریا و سایر شركتهای وابسته با توجه به بدهی این شركت به سیستم بانكی تسهیلاتی ارائه نشود.
این در حالی است كه طبق سند زیر سید شمس الدین حسینی، چند روز پیش از این هشدار در حاشیه نامه گروه ملی صنعت فولاد ایران خطاب به او كه درخواست گشایش اعتبار اسنادی به ارزش سیصد میلیون یورو را داشت، خطاب به پیش رو، فردی كه اكنون به جای جهرمی مدیرعامل بانك صادرات شده، دستور مساعدت لازم را داده بود!
در سند دیگری ، وزیر اقتصاد در حاشیه نامه «گروه صنعتی نمونه گیلان» كه از عدم گشایش اعتبار 65 میلیون یورویی در بانك كشاورزی به نیابت از بانك صادرات گله داشت و خواستار دستورلازم برای گشایش این اعتبار توسط بانك صادرات شده بود نیز دستور پیگیری و اقدام مساعد برای گشایش این اعتبار از طریق بانكهای صادرات و كشاورزی داده است.
كته اینجاست كه اگر مسئولان وزارت اقتصاد و بانك مركزی مدعی هستند كه آنها هشدارهای لازم را داده بودند چرا وزیر اقتصاد خود راسا در دو نوبت، یكی چند روز پیش از اعلام هشدار اعلامی از سوی وزارت اقتصاد و یكی هم نزدیك به یكسال و نیم بعد از این هشدار خود دستور مساعدت با شركتهای زیر مجموعه آریا جهت گشایش اعتبار آن هم به مبلغ 365 میلیون یورور را داده است؟
به گزارش سفیر، حنطهای مدیركل دفتر بازرسی وزارت اقتصاد در مهرماه سال 88 طی نامهای به مسئولان بانك صادرات، تاكید میكند كه به شركت سرمایهگذاری امیرمنصور آریا و سایر شركتهای وابسته با توجه به بدهی این شركت به سیستم بانكی تسهیلاتی ارائه نشود.
این در حالی است كه طبق سند زیر سید شمس الدین حسینی، چند روز پیش از این هشدار در حاشیه نامه گروه ملی صنعت فولاد ایران خطاب به او كه درخواست گشایش اعتبار اسنادی به ارزش سیصد میلیون یورو را داشت، خطاب به پیش رو، فردی كه اكنون به جای جهرمی مدیرعامل بانك صادرات شده، دستور مساعدت لازم را داده بود!
در سند دیگری ، وزیر اقتصاد در حاشیه نامه «گروه صنعتی نمونه گیلان» كه از عدم گشایش اعتبار 65 میلیون یورویی در بانك كشاورزی به نیابت از بانك صادرات گله داشت و خواستار دستورلازم برای گشایش این اعتبار توسط بانك صادرات شده بود نیز دستور پیگیری و اقدام مساعد برای گشایش این اعتبار از طریق بانكهای صادرات و كشاورزی داده است.
كته اینجاست كه اگر مسئولان وزارت اقتصاد و بانك مركزی مدعی هستند كه آنها هشدارهای لازم را داده بودند چرا وزیر اقتصاد خود راسا در دو نوبت، یكی چند روز پیش از اعلام هشدار اعلامی از سوی وزارت اقتصاد و یكی هم نزدیك به یكسال و نیم بعد از این هشدار خود دستور مساعدت با شركتهای زیر مجموعه آریا جهت گشایش اعتبار آن هم به مبلغ 365 میلیون یورور را داده است؟
Iran displays divisions after charge of U.S. plot
Iranian officials have delivered conflicting responses to U.S. allegations that Tehran plotted to assassinate Saudi Arabia’s ambassador in Washington, in a new sign of a split among Iran’s decision makers.
Washington has said all options are on the table to retaliate for the alleged plot, including military action and tougher sanctions on Iran’s Central Bank—the only remaining conduit for the oil revenue that is the backbone of the Iranian regime’s finances.
On Monday, a dual U.S.-Iranian citizen, Manssor Arbabsiar, pleaded not guilty in a U.S. District Court in Manhattan to criminal charges of hiring a U.S. undercover agent posing as a member of a Mexican drug cartel to murder the Saudi ambassador.
While senior Iranian officials have defiantly denied and ridiculed the U.S. allegations, Iranian diplomats have offered to help investigate, in a sign of concern that the fallout from the alleged plot could be worse for Tehran than longstanding accusations over its nuclear program.
How Iran weathers the allegations will depend in part on whether the faction advocating a confrontational tone wins over those supporting diplomacy.
Iran’s conservatives, ho now control the government, are divided between loyalists of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and supporters of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad who favor less clerical control.
In the past, Iranian political factions have been able to unify against outside pressure, whereas internal cracks now make it difficult to present a consolidated front.
The first sign that Iran was struggling to devise an effective strategy to limit the damage from the accusation by U.S. officials on Oct. 11 came in the slow response by top officials.
It took six days for Iran’s top two officials to comment on the alleged plot, an unusual lapse.
When they did respond, the two leaders ridiculed the charges with traditional revolutionary bombast.
Mr. Khamenei warned that Iran would respond harshly to any “illicit” actions by the U.S. Mr. Ahmadinejad, giggling and shrugging in an interview with al-Jazeera, refused any cooperation with U.S. investigators.
State-influenced Iranian news sources then followed the defensive effort by publishing accusations that the plot was cooked up by an opposition group.
But supporters of Mr. Ahmadinejad soon showed a more conciliatory tone. Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi said Iran was prepared to carefully examine the U.S.’s evidence and would conduct a “serious and patient” investigation, even if the charges were fabricated.
The statement by Mr. Salehi, an Ahmadinejad ally, reflected a leaning by the president to show some willingness to negotiate—at odds with Mr. Khamenei.
Iran’s judiciary chief, Ayatollah Sadeq Larijani, a critic of Mr. Ahmadinejad, said last week that he was appointing a special envoy to investigate alleged crimes against Muslims by the U.S.
This rupture is on display almost on a daily basis, in domestic and foreign policy. The conservative-dominated parliament voted on Sunday to impeach the finance minister, a close ally of Mr. Ahmadinejad, over a $2.6 billion bank fraud that has roiled Iranian politics. The president has denied any wrongdoing by himself or his administration.
That split has also been seen with regard to international pressure over Iran’s nuclear program. Mr. Ahmadinejad offered publicly, while in New York for the United Nations General Assembly in September, to start talks with the U.S.
Mr. Khamenei immediately shot down the idea, according to Iranian news reports.
The contradiction in responses stems from disagreements over how to deal with the West, analysts said.
Now, the prospect that the U.S. could pursue sanctions at the U.N. Security Council against Iran’s central bank is a particular concern, though China and Russia have opposed such action.
“Iran’s response [to the plot allegations] shows that they are very worried,” said Hossein Bastani, a political analyst based in France who worked for the administration of President Mohammad Khatami. “Many officials are secretly wondering, ‘What if this true?’ And even if it isn’t, the damage is already done.”
تایید حکم سه سال زندان فریدون صیدیراد در دادگاه تجدیدنظر
فریدون صیدی راد، از بازداشت شدگان دهم اسفند که در دادگاه بدو ی، شعبه ۲۸ دادگاه انقلاب تهران به ریاست قاضی مقیسه به سه سال زندان محکوم شده بود، حکمش عینا در دادگاه تجدید نظر تایید شد.
وی درمدت بازجویی در بند دو الف زندان اوین که متعلق به سپاه پاسداران است نگهداری می شد اما سرانجام به بند ۳۵۰ منتقل شد.
وی در این روز به همراه مهسا امرآبادی، فخرالسادات محتشمی پور و شهین جهادی بازداشت و به بند دو الف سپاه پاسداران در زندان اوین منتقل شد، این سه نفر از زندان آزاد شده اند اما صیدی راد همچنان در بازداشت به سر می برد .صیدی راد همچنین از اعضای ستاد مهدی کروبی در اراک بوده است.
وی در مدت بازداشتش از حق مرخصی محروم بوده است.
وی درمدت بازجویی در بند دو الف زندان اوین که متعلق به سپاه پاسداران است نگهداری می شد اما سرانجام به بند ۳۵۰ منتقل شد.
وی در این روز به همراه مهسا امرآبادی، فخرالسادات محتشمی پور و شهین جهادی بازداشت و به بند دو الف سپاه پاسداران در زندان اوین منتقل شد، این سه نفر از زندان آزاد شده اند اما صیدی راد همچنان در بازداشت به سر می برد .صیدی راد همچنین از اعضای ستاد مهدی کروبی در اراک بوده است.
وی در مدت بازداشتش از حق مرخصی محروم بوده است.
‘End illegal house arrest of green leaders,’ says conservative MP
GVF — An Iranian lawmaker has called for an end to what he called “the illegal and illegitimate house arrest” of Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mahdi Karroubi, the leaders of Iran’s opposition Green Movement.
Shakour Akbarnejad, an Iranian Member of Parliament representing the people of Tabziz, called for an end to the house arrest of Mahdi Karroubi, Mir Hossein Mousavi and his wife Zahra Rahnavard.
The two, along with their spouses, were placed under house arrest after calling for opposition protests in support of the Arab Spring in mid-February. In his most recent report, Ahmed Shaheed, the UN’s Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran, expressed concern over the absence of any formal charges against Mousavi and Karroubi as well as their loss of “control over their health care, access to publications, privacy and the ability to live a normal life.”
Delivering a pre-session speech before fellow parliamentarians, Akbarnejad called the men’s ongoing house arrest an “illegal heresy” that went against religious law.
“Out of resect for those strata of society who think differently from us, put an end to imprisonment and house arrest and replace it with brotherhood and compassion,” the conservative MP pleaded.
Since the rigged 2009 presidential election, which sparked massive protests throughout the country, opposition candidates Mousavi and Karroubi have been spearheading what’s become known as the pro-democracy Green Movement.
Shakour Akbarnejad, an Iranian Member of Parliament representing the people of Tabziz, called for an end to the house arrest of Mahdi Karroubi, Mir Hossein Mousavi and his wife Zahra Rahnavard.
The two, along with their spouses, were placed under house arrest after calling for opposition protests in support of the Arab Spring in mid-February. In his most recent report, Ahmed Shaheed, the UN’s Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran, expressed concern over the absence of any formal charges against Mousavi and Karroubi as well as their loss of “control over their health care, access to publications, privacy and the ability to live a normal life.”
Delivering a pre-session speech before fellow parliamentarians, Akbarnejad called the men’s ongoing house arrest an “illegal heresy” that went against religious law.
“Out of resect for those strata of society who think differently from us, put an end to imprisonment and house arrest and replace it with brotherhood and compassion,” the conservative MP pleaded.
Since the rigged 2009 presidential election, which sparked massive protests throughout the country, opposition candidates Mousavi and Karroubi have been spearheading what’s become known as the pro-democracy Green Movement.
بازداشت ۲ تن از دراویش گنابادی در کوار
خبرگزاری هرانا – یحیی دهقان و مهرداد کشاورز صبح امروز در شهرستان کوار توسط نیروهای امنیتی بازداشت شدند .
به گزارش مجذوبان نور ٬ یحیی دهقان و مهرداد کشاورز از دراویش گنابادی صبح امروز ۳ مهرماه با حمله و یورش نیروهای امنیتی به منزل شخصی ایشان و بدون ارائه حکم قانونی و قضایی بازداشت و به مکان نا معلومی منتقل شدند.
در ادامه این گزارش آمده است ٬ علاوه بر منزل شخصی این دو درویش ٬ به منازل دیگر دراویش نیز حملاتی مشابه انجام شده و در این بین یک دستگاه خودروی شخصی یکی از دراویش گنابادی ساکن کوار نیز توسط نیروهای امنیتی ربوده شده است ٬ شایان توجه است طبق گزارشات رسیده بازداشتها و حملات نیروهای امنیتی در شهرستان کوار که از صبح امروز آغاز شد همچنان ادامه دارد .
لازم به ذکر است ٬ در هفته های گذشته فشار ها و سرکوبها بر دراویش گنابادی افزایش یافته است ٬ به نحوی که یکی از دارویش گنابادی توسط نیروهای امنیتی به شهادت رسیده و نزدیک به ۱۰۰ تن از ایشان طی روزهای اخیر بازداشت و ضرب و شتم شده اند که از این بین وکلای دراویش و اعضای سایت مجذوبان نور در بند امنیتی زندان اوین در وضعیتی بسیار بد به سر می برند.
به گزارش مجذوبان نور ٬ یحیی دهقان و مهرداد کشاورز از دراویش گنابادی صبح امروز ۳ مهرماه با حمله و یورش نیروهای امنیتی به منزل شخصی ایشان و بدون ارائه حکم قانونی و قضایی بازداشت و به مکان نا معلومی منتقل شدند.
در ادامه این گزارش آمده است ٬ علاوه بر منزل شخصی این دو درویش ٬ به منازل دیگر دراویش نیز حملاتی مشابه انجام شده و در این بین یک دستگاه خودروی شخصی یکی از دراویش گنابادی ساکن کوار نیز توسط نیروهای امنیتی ربوده شده است ٬ شایان توجه است طبق گزارشات رسیده بازداشتها و حملات نیروهای امنیتی در شهرستان کوار که از صبح امروز آغاز شد همچنان ادامه دارد .
لازم به ذکر است ٬ در هفته های گذشته فشار ها و سرکوبها بر دراویش گنابادی افزایش یافته است ٬ به نحوی که یکی از دارویش گنابادی توسط نیروهای امنیتی به شهادت رسیده و نزدیک به ۱۰۰ تن از ایشان طی روزهای اخیر بازداشت و ضرب و شتم شده اند که از این بین وکلای دراویش و اعضای سایت مجذوبان نور در بند امنیتی زندان اوین در وضعیتی بسیار بد به سر می برند.