_بازداشت حمیدرضا خادم برای اجرای حکم و انتقال وی به بند ۳۵۰ زندان اوین
خانه حقوق بشر ایران/ حمید رضا خادم روز پنج شنبه ۱۱ آبان ماه خود را به زندان اوین برای سپری کردن دوران محکومیت چهار سالهاش معرفی کرد.
حمیدرضا خادم فعال سیاسی و از بازداشت شدگان رویدادهای پس از انتخابات ۱۳۸۸که در شانزدهم آذر ۱۳۸۹ از سوی شعبه پانزدهم دادگاه انقلاب به ریاست قاضی صلواتی به پنج سال حبس تعزیری محکوم شده بود.
به گزارش «خانه حقوق بشر ایران» این حکم با تایید شعبه ۵۴ دادگاه تجدید نظر استان تهران به چهار سال حبس تعزیری کاهش پیدا کرد. موارد اتهامی خادم اجتماع و تبانی و تبلیغ علیه نظام در قالب نگارش مقاله و مصاحبه با رسانهها بود.
حمیدرضا خادم پیشتر برای اجرای حکم خود در تاریخ ۲۱ مهر ماه سال جاری احضار شده بود که به علت عدم حضورش این حکم اجرا نشد، پس از آن دادگاه انقلاب چندین بار این فعال سیاسی را جهت اجرای حکم احضار کرد.
همسر وی به «خانه حقوق بشر ایران» گفت: «خادم چهارشنبه خود را به زندان اوین معرفی کرده و فردای آن روز در تماس کوتاهی اعلام کرد که به بند ۳۵۰ زندان اوین منتقل شده است
حمیدرضا خادم فعال سیاسی و از بازداشت شدگان رویدادهای پس از انتخابات ۱۳۸۸که در شانزدهم آذر ۱۳۸۹ از سوی شعبه پانزدهم دادگاه انقلاب به ریاست قاضی صلواتی به پنج سال حبس تعزیری محکوم شده بود.
به گزارش «خانه حقوق بشر ایران» این حکم با تایید شعبه ۵۴ دادگاه تجدید نظر استان تهران به چهار سال حبس تعزیری کاهش پیدا کرد. موارد اتهامی خادم اجتماع و تبانی و تبلیغ علیه نظام در قالب نگارش مقاله و مصاحبه با رسانهها بود.
حمیدرضا خادم پیشتر برای اجرای حکم خود در تاریخ ۲۱ مهر ماه سال جاری احضار شده بود که به علت عدم حضورش این حکم اجرا نشد، پس از آن دادگاه انقلاب چندین بار این فعال سیاسی را جهت اجرای حکم احضار کرد.
همسر وی به «خانه حقوق بشر ایران» گفت: «خادم چهارشنبه خود را به زندان اوین معرفی کرده و فردای آن روز در تماس کوتاهی اعلام کرد که به بند ۳۵۰ زندان اوین منتقل شده است
Baha’i Citizen Parisa Babaei Arrested
Baha’i citizen Parisa Babaei has been arrested. She was arrested following a summons order to the Intelligence Ministry.
According to the Human Rights House of Iran, the security forces appeared at her house and informed her that she has been summoned to Ghaemshahr Intelligence Ministry. She was detained and transferred to the Sari Intelligence Ministry.
He house had also been searched before her arrest.
According to the Human Rights House of Iran, the security forces appeared at her house and informed her that she has been summoned to Ghaemshahr Intelligence Ministry. She was detained and transferred to the Sari Intelligence Ministry.
He house had also been searched before her arrest.
بازداشت بهروز فریدی، آرش محمدی و سیاوش محمدی، سه فعال دانشجویی آذری
به گزارش کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر، بهروز فریدی، آرش محمدی و سیاوش محمدی صبح ۱۲ آبان ۱۳۹۰ در منزل شخصی خود در تبریز توسط نیروهای امنیتی بازداشت شدند. گفته میشود ماموران امنیتی با در دستداشتن حکم بازداشت و تفتیش منزل، حدود ساعت شش صبح وارد منزل شده و پس از تفتیش منزل اقدام به بازداشت این سه تن کردهاند.هنوز از علت بازداشت و محل نگهداری این سه فعال دانشجویی اطلاعی در دست نیست.
بر اساس این گزارش، بهروز فریدی فارغ التحصیل رشتهی مهندسی مکانیک از داشگاه آزاد تبریز، آرش محمدی دانشجوی رشتهی مدیریت صنعتی دانشگاه پیام نور تبریز و سیاوش محمدی دانشجوی رشتهی هنر دانشگاه نبی اکرم تبریز است.
بر اساس این گزارش، بهروز فریدی فارغ التحصیل رشتهی مهندسی مکانیک از داشگاه آزاد تبریز، آرش محمدی دانشجوی رشتهی مدیریت صنعتی دانشگاه پیام نور تبریز و سیاوش محمدی دانشجوی رشتهی هنر دانشگاه نبی اکرم تبریز است.
Hamid Reza Khadem Serving His Sentence in Evin Prison
HRANA News Agency – Political activist Hamid Reza Khadem, 34,
reported to Evin Court in order to begin serving his four year prison
sentence and has been locked up behind bars in Ward 350.
According to a report by Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA),
on December 7, 2010, the fifteenth branch of the Revolutionary Court
sentenced Hamid Reza Khadem to 5 years in prison on charges of
conspiracy and propaganda against the regime. This sentence was later
commuted to 4 years by the Appeals Court.
Hamid Reza Khadem was arrested after the presidential election in 2009. He is a member the Research Bureau of the National Front of Iran (Jebhe Meli).
Hamid Reza Khadem was arrested after the presidential election in 2009. He is a member the Research Bureau of the National Front of Iran (Jebhe Meli).
بهروز آلخانی به اعدام و اکبر اکبرپور به 13سال حبس محکوم شدند
بهروز آلخانی و اکبر اکبرپور پس از یک سال تحمل حبس در سلولهای انفرادی از سوی دادگاه انقلاب ارومیه به اتهام محاربه به ترتیب به اعدام و ۱۳ سال حبس محکوم شدند. این دو زندانی حدود یک سال پیش توسط اداره اطلاعات ارومیه بازداشت و مهر ماه سالجاری در شعبه یک دادگاه انقلاب ارومیه محاکمه شدند.گفته می شود بهروز آلخانی به دلیل عدم تعادل روحی در زمان محاکمه نتوانسته از خود دفاع کند.اتهام این افراد محاربه از طریق همکاری با گروههای معاند نظام اعلام شده است.در حال حاضر این دو زندانی سیاسی که به دلیل یک سال حبس انفرادی در شرایط نامناسب روحی قرار دارند جهت عدم شناسایی به بند زندانیان مواد مخدر در زندان مرکزی ارومیه منتقل شدهاند.
Iranian influence seeping into Iraq
Iran’s presence is already visible in Iraq, from the droves of pilgrims at Shiite holy sites to the brands of yoghurt and jams on grocery shelves. But now Iraqis are bracing for a potential escalation of Persian influence as the U.S. military leaves at the end of the year. It’s a natural step, most agree, for the only two Shiite Muslim-led governments in the Sunni-dominated Mideast to expand their relationship. But it’s a fine line for Iraq to walk, with even many in Iraq’s Shiite majority wary of infringement of their country’s sovereignty and afraid of being overrun by the Iranian theocracy.
From politics and weapons to pilgrims and consumer products, Iraqis have for years stood by as Iranian influence seeped in. It’s been galling for many still bitter over the destruction that Iran heaped on their homes during the eight-year war in the 1980s that left a half-million people dead.
“We hated the Iranians. And there are still bad feelings,” said Fouad Karim, a 36-year-old sheep trader in the northeast town of Mandali, about six miles (10 kilometers) from the Iranian border. The town was all but destroyed during the Iraq-Iran war, and travelers entering Mandali are greeted by a monument to a young woman killed by Iranian shelling at her own wedding in 1983.
“The government should not tolerate any Iranian interference, as our anger against them only gets worse when we hear about their deeds,” said Karim, a Shiite.
Top Iranian officials maintain they are only strengthening diplomatic and economic ties with Iraq, as they have sought to do since the 2003 ouster of Saddam Hussein.
American officials, however, have long feared what they describe as Iranian meddling in Iraq ─ and its potential to sow unrest across the Mideast. Those worries were a chief driver of failed efforts to leave at least several thousand American troops in Iraq beyond the Dec. 31 withdrawal deadline.
At least three Shiite militias backed by Iran ramped up attacks on U.S. troops in Iraq this year in a warning not to stay beyond the deadline. U.S. and Iraqi intelligence officials said Iran supplied the militiamen with weapons, training and millions of dollars in funding. Those militias’ strength will no doubt give them influence in Iraq after the withdrawal.
“Iran wants to make Iraq a weak state,” says Maj. Gen. Jeffrey S. Buchanan, the U.S military spokesman in Iraq. “Iran is feeling increasingly isolated, and one of the ways it can avoid isolation is by co-opting Iraq.”
During a trip last week to Baghdad, Iranian Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi described the neighborly relationship as “two branches belonging to one tree” and dismissed U.S. accusations of interference. “Iraqis know better than anyone else how to run their country.”
Michael Knights, a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, says U.S. fears about Iran’s influence are largely “overblown.”
Experts and diplomats note that Iraq has stood up to Iran in a number of ways, including competition in oil production and crackdowns on militias attacking U.S. forces last summer. Iraq also has adhered to many U.S. and international sanctions against Iran.
Still, Knights acknowledges, “the more you think about it, the more examples there are” of Iranian influence. “They’re circumstantial, but that’s how behind-the-scenes influence works.”
Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki kept his job last year only after Iran pushed him to a detente with an old nemesis, anti-American Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. Al-Sadr, who was then studying religion in Iran, provided the political support al-Maliki needed to stay in power.
Since then, al-Maliki has all but ignored Iranian military incursions on Kurdish lands in Iraq’s north. The government has delayed, and in al-Sadr’s case, quashed, arrest warrants on militants backed by Iranian forces and financiers.
Despite al-Maliki’s longtime anger at Syria for serving as a haven for Baathist and al-Qaeda extremists, Iraq now is backing embattled President Bashar Assad, an ally of Tehran. Iraq also has sided with Iran to support Bahrain’s Shiites under assault by the tiny kingdom’s Sunni monarchy.
In Mandali, a mixed Kurdish-Arab city about 60 miles (100 kilometers) northeast of Baghdad, local officials complain Iran is taking advantage of the poorly marked 906-mile (1,458 kilometers) border to claim Iraqi territory with little to no resistance from Baghdad.
In the southern port city of Basra, a half-hour from the Iranian border and 340 miles (550 kilometers) from Baghdad, Iran is helping supply electricity and cheap goods to Iraqis who would otherwise go without.
Last summer, Iranian First Vice President Mohammed Reza Rahimi led a 170-firm business delegation to Baghdad, a visit Western diplomats in Baghdad saw as an Iranian move to muscle in on its economically stagnant neighbor.
But Sami al-Araji, chairman of the National Investment Commission of Iraq, downplayed the concerns.
“We are open for business and for trade with all those who desire to come into Iraq and to participate,” al-Araji said. “Let the politicians take care of the politics.”
Ghanim Abdul-Amir, a Basra provincial councilman, hopes one aspect of Iran’s role will wane once the Americans leave. He said he has long complained to Iranian officials about weapons being smuggled into Iraq. The Iranians replied that it won’t stop until U.S. troops are gone.
“The Iranians’ answer is that they cannot prevent people from fighting the occupier,” Abdul-Amir said.
Ironically, it was the U.S. who opened Iraq’s door to Iran by ousting Saddam’s Sunni-dominated regime, allowing Shiite parties with historic ties to Tehran to rise to power. Iraq’s Sunnis deeply fear Iranian domination and the potential they will be even further shut out of the political process.
Saudi Arabia has also sought influence in Iraq, in part to counterbalance Iran. Saudi Arabia is believed to have funded Iraqiya, the Sunni-dominated but secular political alliance that won the most seats in Iraq’s national election last year but was unable to form a government.
Parliament Speaker Osama al-Nujaifi, Iraq’s highest-ranking Sunni politician, warned last month that “if neighboring countries” see Iraq as weak, “there will be interference … This interference does exist now” ─ though he diplomatically avoided mentioning Iran directly.
In Mandali, Iran has left an indelible fingerprint on the city of 50,000.
“Iran has quit the idea of invading Iraq with its military,” said resident Bassem Mohammed, a 45-year-old Kurd, who lost a leg in the Iran-Iraq war. “Now they are trying to occupy Iraq’s politics.”
From politics and weapons to pilgrims and consumer products, Iraqis have for years stood by as Iranian influence seeped in. It’s been galling for many still bitter over the destruction that Iran heaped on their homes during the eight-year war in the 1980s that left a half-million people dead.
“We hated the Iranians. And there are still bad feelings,” said Fouad Karim, a 36-year-old sheep trader in the northeast town of Mandali, about six miles (10 kilometers) from the Iranian border. The town was all but destroyed during the Iraq-Iran war, and travelers entering Mandali are greeted by a monument to a young woman killed by Iranian shelling at her own wedding in 1983.
“The government should not tolerate any Iranian interference, as our anger against them only gets worse when we hear about their deeds,” said Karim, a Shiite.
Top Iranian officials maintain they are only strengthening diplomatic and economic ties with Iraq, as they have sought to do since the 2003 ouster of Saddam Hussein.
American officials, however, have long feared what they describe as Iranian meddling in Iraq ─ and its potential to sow unrest across the Mideast. Those worries were a chief driver of failed efforts to leave at least several thousand American troops in Iraq beyond the Dec. 31 withdrawal deadline.
At least three Shiite militias backed by Iran ramped up attacks on U.S. troops in Iraq this year in a warning not to stay beyond the deadline. U.S. and Iraqi intelligence officials said Iran supplied the militiamen with weapons, training and millions of dollars in funding. Those militias’ strength will no doubt give them influence in Iraq after the withdrawal.
“Iran wants to make Iraq a weak state,” says Maj. Gen. Jeffrey S. Buchanan, the U.S military spokesman in Iraq. “Iran is feeling increasingly isolated, and one of the ways it can avoid isolation is by co-opting Iraq.”
During a trip last week to Baghdad, Iranian Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi described the neighborly relationship as “two branches belonging to one tree” and dismissed U.S. accusations of interference. “Iraqis know better than anyone else how to run their country.”
Michael Knights, a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, says U.S. fears about Iran’s influence are largely “overblown.”
Experts and diplomats note that Iraq has stood up to Iran in a number of ways, including competition in oil production and crackdowns on militias attacking U.S. forces last summer. Iraq also has adhered to many U.S. and international sanctions against Iran.
Still, Knights acknowledges, “the more you think about it, the more examples there are” of Iranian influence. “They’re circumstantial, but that’s how behind-the-scenes influence works.”
Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki kept his job last year only after Iran pushed him to a detente with an old nemesis, anti-American Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. Al-Sadr, who was then studying religion in Iran, provided the political support al-Maliki needed to stay in power.
Since then, al-Maliki has all but ignored Iranian military incursions on Kurdish lands in Iraq’s north. The government has delayed, and in al-Sadr’s case, quashed, arrest warrants on militants backed by Iranian forces and financiers.
Despite al-Maliki’s longtime anger at Syria for serving as a haven for Baathist and al-Qaeda extremists, Iraq now is backing embattled President Bashar Assad, an ally of Tehran. Iraq also has sided with Iran to support Bahrain’s Shiites under assault by the tiny kingdom’s Sunni monarchy.
In Mandali, a mixed Kurdish-Arab city about 60 miles (100 kilometers) northeast of Baghdad, local officials complain Iran is taking advantage of the poorly marked 906-mile (1,458 kilometers) border to claim Iraqi territory with little to no resistance from Baghdad.
In the southern port city of Basra, a half-hour from the Iranian border and 340 miles (550 kilometers) from Baghdad, Iran is helping supply electricity and cheap goods to Iraqis who would otherwise go without.
Last summer, Iranian First Vice President Mohammed Reza Rahimi led a 170-firm business delegation to Baghdad, a visit Western diplomats in Baghdad saw as an Iranian move to muscle in on its economically stagnant neighbor.
But Sami al-Araji, chairman of the National Investment Commission of Iraq, downplayed the concerns.
“We are open for business and for trade with all those who desire to come into Iraq and to participate,” al-Araji said. “Let the politicians take care of the politics.”
Ghanim Abdul-Amir, a Basra provincial councilman, hopes one aspect of Iran’s role will wane once the Americans leave. He said he has long complained to Iranian officials about weapons being smuggled into Iraq. The Iranians replied that it won’t stop until U.S. troops are gone.
“The Iranians’ answer is that they cannot prevent people from fighting the occupier,” Abdul-Amir said.
Ironically, it was the U.S. who opened Iraq’s door to Iran by ousting Saddam’s Sunni-dominated regime, allowing Shiite parties with historic ties to Tehran to rise to power. Iraq’s Sunnis deeply fear Iranian domination and the potential they will be even further shut out of the political process.
Saudi Arabia has also sought influence in Iraq, in part to counterbalance Iran. Saudi Arabia is believed to have funded Iraqiya, the Sunni-dominated but secular political alliance that won the most seats in Iraq’s national election last year but was unable to form a government.
Parliament Speaker Osama al-Nujaifi, Iraq’s highest-ranking Sunni politician, warned last month that “if neighboring countries” see Iraq as weak, “there will be interference … This interference does exist now” ─ though he diplomatically avoided mentioning Iran directly.
In Mandali, Iran has left an indelible fingerprint on the city of 50,000.
“Iran has quit the idea of invading Iraq with its military,” said resident Bassem Mohammed, a 45-year-old Kurd, who lost a leg in the Iran-Iraq war. “Now they are trying to occupy Iraq’s politics.”
بازجویی، تهدید و توهین به زندانیان سیاسی زندان ارومیه بدلیل استمداد از کمیسر عالی و گزارشگر ویژه حقوق بشر
بنابه گزارشات رسیده به “فعالین حقوق بشر و دمکراسی در ایران”
در پی استمداد جمعی از زندانیان سیاسی زندان مرکزی ارومیه از کمیسر عالی و
گزارشگر ویژه حقوق بشر سازمان ملل متحد روز یکشنبه ۵ نفراز زندانیان سیاسی
به دفتر وزارت اطلاعات مستقر در زندان مرکزی ارومیه فراخوانده شدند و مورد
تهدید و توهین قرار گرفتند.
روز یکشنبه ۱۵ آبان ماه زندانیان سیاسی سید
سامی حسینی محکوم به اعدام ،بلال چیلگر،علی حسینی عمویی،احمد تموئی و محمد
امین عبدالهی به دفتر وزارت اطلاعات مستقر در زندان ارومیه که تحت نام دفتر
رابطه با زندانیان می باشد برده شدند.آنها به مدت ۴ ساعت مورد بازجویی یکی
از بازجویان وزارت اطلاعات قرار گرفتند. بازجوی وزارت اطلاعات از ارسال و
انتشار نامه استمداد از کمیسر عالی و گزارشگر ویژه حقوق بشر سازمان ملل
متحد بشدت عصبانی بود و به این دلیل آنها را مورد بازجویی ، تهدید و توهین
قرار داد.
فردی با نام مستعار علیرضا از بازجویان وزارت اطلاعات ارومیه زندانیان سیاسی را مورد تهدید و توهین قرار داد.این فرد خطاب به زندانی سیاسی سید سامی حسینی که محکوم به اعدام است گفت:دستور می دهم که حکمت را به اجرا در آورند و خطاب به بعضی از زندانیان سیاسی گفت : که می توانم حکم های زندانهای طولانی مدت را به حکم اعدام تبدیل کنم.بازجوی فوق الذکر همچنین اقدام به توهین به زندانیان سیاسی و خانواده های آنها نمود.
بازجوی وزارت اطلاعات با نام مستعار علیرضا که بطور مستمر در زندان ارومیه حاضر می شود ، زندانیان سیاسی را مورد بازجویی ،شکنجۀ جسمی و روحی ، تهدید ،توهین و نگهداری طولانی مدت در سلولهای انفرادی قرار می دهد می باشد. مشخصات ظاهری بازجوی وزارت اطلاعات با نام مستعار علیرضا به شرح زیر می باشد:سن این فرد حدودا ۴۸ الی ۴۹ ساله،قد کوتاه و کمی چاق ، موهایش ریخته و کچل است، صورت گرد و رنگ چهرۀ وی سبزه تیره است ، صدای کلفت ، چشم های مشکی،بینی بزرگ داردترک زبان و اهل ارومیه می باشد.از تمامی هموطنانمان در ارومیه و سایر نقاط ، در صورتیکه این فرد را می شناسند و مشخصات او را دارند ، قطعه عکسی از او، جهت معرفی و قرار گرفتن او در لیست ناقضین حقوق بشر، افشای اعمال پلید وی و جلوگیری از شکنجۀ زندانیان سیاسی برای ما ارسال نمایند.
فعالین حقوق بشر و دمکراسی در ایران، احضار، بازجویی چند ساعته ،تهدید و توهین علیه زندانیان سیاسی به صرف استمداد از ارگانهای بین المللی حقوق بشر را محکوم می کند و از کمیسر عالی حقوق بشر خواستار اعزام گزارشگر ویژه حقوق بشر به ایران برای بازدید از زندانها،ملاقات با زندانیان سیاسی و خانواده های آنها جهت تهیۀ گزارشی از جنایت علیه بشریت رژیم ولی فقیه علی خامنه ای و ارائۀ ان به کمسیون حقوق بشر سازمان ملل متحد برای گرفتن تصمیمات لازم می باشد.
فردی با نام مستعار علیرضا از بازجویان وزارت اطلاعات ارومیه زندانیان سیاسی را مورد تهدید و توهین قرار داد.این فرد خطاب به زندانی سیاسی سید سامی حسینی که محکوم به اعدام است گفت:دستور می دهم که حکمت را به اجرا در آورند و خطاب به بعضی از زندانیان سیاسی گفت : که می توانم حکم های زندانهای طولانی مدت را به حکم اعدام تبدیل کنم.بازجوی فوق الذکر همچنین اقدام به توهین به زندانیان سیاسی و خانواده های آنها نمود.
بازجوی وزارت اطلاعات با نام مستعار علیرضا که بطور مستمر در زندان ارومیه حاضر می شود ، زندانیان سیاسی را مورد بازجویی ،شکنجۀ جسمی و روحی ، تهدید ،توهین و نگهداری طولانی مدت در سلولهای انفرادی قرار می دهد می باشد. مشخصات ظاهری بازجوی وزارت اطلاعات با نام مستعار علیرضا به شرح زیر می باشد:سن این فرد حدودا ۴۸ الی ۴۹ ساله،قد کوتاه و کمی چاق ، موهایش ریخته و کچل است، صورت گرد و رنگ چهرۀ وی سبزه تیره است ، صدای کلفت ، چشم های مشکی،بینی بزرگ داردترک زبان و اهل ارومیه می باشد.از تمامی هموطنانمان در ارومیه و سایر نقاط ، در صورتیکه این فرد را می شناسند و مشخصات او را دارند ، قطعه عکسی از او، جهت معرفی و قرار گرفتن او در لیست ناقضین حقوق بشر، افشای اعمال پلید وی و جلوگیری از شکنجۀ زندانیان سیاسی برای ما ارسال نمایند.
فعالین حقوق بشر و دمکراسی در ایران، احضار، بازجویی چند ساعته ،تهدید و توهین علیه زندانیان سیاسی به صرف استمداد از ارگانهای بین المللی حقوق بشر را محکوم می کند و از کمیسر عالی حقوق بشر خواستار اعزام گزارشگر ویژه حقوق بشر به ایران برای بازدید از زندانها،ملاقات با زندانیان سیاسی و خانواده های آنها جهت تهیۀ گزارشی از جنایت علیه بشریت رژیم ولی فقیه علی خامنه ای و ارائۀ ان به کمسیون حقوق بشر سازمان ملل متحد برای گرفتن تصمیمات لازم می باشد.
Ebrahim Yazdi Offers No Defense to Protest Lack of Jurisdiction in Revolutionary Court
At his 2 November trial, Ebrahim Yazdi, the former Secretary General
of the Iran Freedom Movement, did not offer any defense, choosing to
remain silent. Mehdi Nourbakhsh, yazdi’s son-in-law, spoke with the
International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran about his trial. “He had
a court session at 10 a.m. on 2 November, with Judge Salavati
presiding. But because he found the court unqualified for reviewing his
charges, he did not defend himself, saying only, “This court is not
qualified to review my charges,’” said Nourbakhsh.
Dr. Ebrahim Yazdi was arrested on 1 October 2010 at a memorial
service in a private home in Isfahan on the charge of “participating in
an illegal group prayer.” He was transferred to the Intelligence
Ministry’s Ward 209 inside Evin Prison. He was transferred to a “safe”
house for several weeks, and then transferred to his house in March 2011
and placed under medical care.
“I do not believe the Revolutionary Court is qualified to review the charges leveled against me. According to Article 197 of the General and Revolutionary Courts Procedures Law, I can maintain silence and refrain from any speech or defense. I do not permit my lawyers to defend me, either. As neither Sharia procedures, nor explicit laws are observed in this court, whatever decision or opinion announced and issued lacks legal legitimacy,” Yazdi wrote in his defense bill, a copy of was made available to the Campaign.
Yazdi’s charges were “assembly and collusion against national security,” “propagating against the Islamic Republic of Iran,” and “establishing and leading the Iran Freedom Movement.”
“He was tried for establishing and leading ‘the illegal Freedom Movement party.’ According to Mr. Yazdi, the trial session lasted two hours and at his request, his lawyers did not offer any defense for him,” said Nourbakhsh.
“His physical condition is good, but he is 80 years old and has several medical problems that require a lot of care. He has prostate cancer and needs regular examinations. If he does not live in a completely clean and hygienic environment, he will contract infections,” he added.
“I do not believe the Revolutionary Court is qualified to review the charges leveled against me. According to Article 197 of the General and Revolutionary Courts Procedures Law, I can maintain silence and refrain from any speech or defense. I do not permit my lawyers to defend me, either. As neither Sharia procedures, nor explicit laws are observed in this court, whatever decision or opinion announced and issued lacks legal legitimacy,” Yazdi wrote in his defense bill, a copy of was made available to the Campaign.
Yazdi’s charges were “assembly and collusion against national security,” “propagating against the Islamic Republic of Iran,” and “establishing and leading the Iran Freedom Movement.”
“He was tried for establishing and leading ‘the illegal Freedom Movement party.’ According to Mr. Yazdi, the trial session lasted two hours and at his request, his lawyers did not offer any defense for him,” said Nourbakhsh.
“His physical condition is good, but he is 80 years old and has several medical problems that require a lot of care. He has prostate cancer and needs regular examinations. If he does not live in a completely clean and hygienic environment, he will contract infections,” he added.
شناسایی شد: مدتی سفیر ایران در چین؛ فرمانده ارشد نیروی تروریستی قدس
از فرماندهان ارشد نیروی قدس که مدتی عهده دار سمت سفیر ایران در چین بوده است. نوشتار یالا از آژانس ایران خبر؛ این افشاگری توسط خبرنامه ملّی ایرانیان بدینصورت تکمیل میگردد
فریدون وردی نژاد از سال ۷۲ به مدت ۸ سال مدیرعامل خبرگزاری جمهوری اسلامی ایران (ایرنا) بود. تاسیس دانشکده خبر در خبرگزاری جمهوری اسلامی و راه اندازی روزنامه ایران از مهمترین اقدامات وی در دوران مدیر عاملی ایرنا محسوب می شود.
این فعال رسانه ای در سال ۸۰ همزمان با واگذاری مسئولیت خبرگزاری ایرنا، این بار در کسوت یک دیپلمات عازم چین شد تا مأموریت چهار ساله ای را به عنوان سفیر جمهوری اسلامی ایران در چین به اتمام برساند.
عضویت در کمیته سیاسی، علمی و راهبردی سند چشم انداز ۲۰ ساله نظام در مجمع تشخیص مصلحت نظام و عضویت در کمیته سیاست خارجی و روابط بین الملل مرکز تحقیقات استراتژیک مجمع تشخیص مصلحت نظام از فعالیت هایی است که وردی نژاد از سال ۸۶ پیگیری می کند.
مدیریت استراتژیک منابع انسانی، خط مشی گذاری عمومی، مدیریت تغییر، ژئوپولیتیک اطلاعات، جامعه شناسی، روانشناسی سیاسی، سیر اندیشه های سیاسی و تحول نهاد های اداری، روابط بین الملل، سیاستگذاری خبری، ارتباط شناسی، افکار عمومی و جنگ روانی و سیستم های اطلاعات مدیریت پیشرفته از جمله محورهایی است که این عضو هیئت علمی بازنشسته در دوران تدریس خود ارائه کرده است
فریدون وردی نژاد از سال ۷۲ به مدت ۸ سال مدیرعامل خبرگزاری جمهوری اسلامی ایران (ایرنا) بود. تاسیس دانشکده خبر در خبرگزاری جمهوری اسلامی و راه اندازی روزنامه ایران از مهمترین اقدامات وی در دوران مدیر عاملی ایرنا محسوب می شود.
این فعال رسانه ای در سال ۸۰ همزمان با واگذاری مسئولیت خبرگزاری ایرنا، این بار در کسوت یک دیپلمات عازم چین شد تا مأموریت چهار ساله ای را به عنوان سفیر جمهوری اسلامی ایران در چین به اتمام برساند.
عضویت در کمیته سیاسی، علمی و راهبردی سند چشم انداز ۲۰ ساله نظام در مجمع تشخیص مصلحت نظام و عضویت در کمیته سیاست خارجی و روابط بین الملل مرکز تحقیقات استراتژیک مجمع تشخیص مصلحت نظام از فعالیت هایی است که وردی نژاد از سال ۸۶ پیگیری می کند.
مدیریت استراتژیک منابع انسانی، خط مشی گذاری عمومی، مدیریت تغییر، ژئوپولیتیک اطلاعات، جامعه شناسی، روانشناسی سیاسی، سیر اندیشه های سیاسی و تحول نهاد های اداری، روابط بین الملل، سیاستگذاری خبری، ارتباط شناسی، افکار عمومی و جنگ روانی و سیستم های اطلاعات مدیریت پیشرفته از جمله محورهایی است که این عضو هیئت علمی بازنشسته در دوران تدریس خود ارائه کرده است
Political prisoners warn against participating in “illegal” elections
Radio Zamaneh - Thirty-six Iranian political prisoners have issued a statement calling on “the Green Movement and the reformists” to support the elections only if they are “open and free” and in any other case to refrain from allowing their participation to “legitimize an illegal election process.” In an announcement issued on Saturday November 5, the prisoners refer to the Iranian Parliament as a “sham” akin to the Egyptian Parliament during the rule of former president Hosni Mubarak.
“For a long time, the blatant interference of the government, and especially that of security and military forces, have turned elections into an elaborately staged show” the political prisoners write. “And the resulting Parliament has become a sham parliament, one that is even unable to defend its own rights and to ascertain the execution of its own legislation.”
The prisoners continue: “Parliament has been humiliated on several occasions by the executive branch, and the president and has remained silent in the face of all attacks against the rights of its representatives.”
The coming parliamentary elections in March have been cause for concern for the Islamic Republic establishment, because allegations of vote fraud in the presidential elections of 2009 led to widespread protests. The protests caused a deep rift in the establishment, and numerous reformists were arrested and sentenced to stiff prison terms. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s chief opponents in the presidential race, MirHosein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, have been under house arrest since last February
Most recently, the government announced that three major reformist organizations are banned from official participation in the parliamentary elections.
Reformists are poised to boycott the elections because the government has not met their conditions: free and open elections, allowing open political activity, and releasing political prisoners.
“For a long time, the blatant interference of the government, and especially that of security and military forces, have turned elections into an elaborately staged show” the political prisoners write. “And the resulting Parliament has become a sham parliament, one that is even unable to defend its own rights and to ascertain the execution of its own legislation.”
The prisoners continue: “Parliament has been humiliated on several occasions by the executive branch, and the president and has remained silent in the face of all attacks against the rights of its representatives.”
The coming parliamentary elections in March have been cause for concern for the Islamic Republic establishment, because allegations of vote fraud in the presidential elections of 2009 led to widespread protests. The protests caused a deep rift in the establishment, and numerous reformists were arrested and sentenced to stiff prison terms. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s chief opponents in the presidential race, MirHosein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, have been under house arrest since last February
Most recently, the government announced that three major reformist organizations are banned from official participation in the parliamentary elections.
Reformists are poised to boycott the elections because the government has not met their conditions: free and open elections, allowing open political activity, and releasing political prisoners.