نیروهای لباس شخصی اداره اماکن با همکاری نیروهای یگان امداد نیروی انتظامی شهر کامیاران بعد از چند روز وقفه بار دیگر اقدام به جمع آوری آنتن های ماهواره در سطح این شهر کردند. این نیروها اوایل صبح دیروز یکشنبه مورخ ۲۷ شهریورماه به منازل مسکونی شهروندان این شهر در اطراف پارک مولوی و خیابان فلسطین مراجعه کرده و تمامی آنتن های ماهواره را در پشت بامها جمع آوری کردند.
لازم به ذکر اينكه بر طبق دستور مقامات انتظامی تنها اقدام به جمع آوری آنتن ها و دستگاه گیرنده ماهواره میکنند و فعلا برنامهایی برای تشکیل پرونده قضایی برای صاحبان گیرنده ماهواره ندارند.
رفتار غیر قانونی این نیروها در ورود به منزل شهروندان و پشت بام خانهها سبب اعتراض شدید ساکنین این منازل شده است
لازم به ذکر اينكه بر طبق دستور مقامات انتظامی تنها اقدام به جمع آوری آنتن ها و دستگاه گیرنده ماهواره میکنند و فعلا برنامهایی برای تشکیل پرونده قضایی برای صاحبان گیرنده ماهواره ندارند.
رفتار غیر قانونی این نیروها در ورود به منزل شهروندان و پشت بام خانهها سبب اعتراض شدید ساکنین این منازل شده است
مریم شربتدار قدس می گوید که سازمان زندانها نامه ای به همسرش نشان داده و گفته بودند که آزاد شدی و پرونده ات منع تعقیب خورده است حالا می گویند در آزادی ایشان اشتباهی صورت گرفته و باید برگردند به اوین.فیض الله عرب سرخی چهارشنبه شب گذشته با ابلاغ ناگهانی آزادی از زندان اوین رها شد، تا در مرحله ای دیگر در مسیر آینده ای روشن حرکت کند. امروز اما با تماسی از دادسرا به زندان اوین بازگشت تا بار دیگر ترس کودتاگران را از مردان رهای سرزمین مان فریاد کند.مریم شربتدار قدس در گفتگو با خبرنگار کلمه، می گوید: خودشان هم می دانند که چه دستهایی در کار است که کل نظام و مملکت و همه چیز را به باد می دهد. عقلانیت اجازه نمی دهد که مملکت در چنین مسیری قرار گیرد. انسان عاقل نباید عقلش را به دست این هایی که نمی دانم واقعا دنبال چه هستند و یا چه هدفی دارند بدهد. مراقب باشند که مملکت به فنا نرود. باید دنبال مجرمین اصلی بگردند وگرنه روزی متوجه می شوند که دیگر خیلی دیر شده است.فیض الله عرب سرخی عضو ارشد سازمان مجاهدین انقلاب اسلامی در حالی به طور ناگهانی به اوین بازگشت که به گفته ی همسرش فرصت خداحافظی با اعضای خانواده اش را نیز نیافت.معاون وزیر بازرگانی دولت اصلاحات که یکی از ۷ شاکی پرونده ی شکایت از سردار مشفق و کودتاگران است، در این چهار روز آزادی تاکید کرده بود که آزادی اش غیر منتظره بوده و حتی یک بار هم درخواست عفو، آزادی و حتی مرخصی نداده بوده است.فعالان سیاسی و کارشناسان، این آزادی غیرمنتظره را نشانه ای بر آغاز یک حرکت عقلانی از سوی حکومت گرفته بودند اما امروز با این خبر باز هم نگرانی ها تکرار می شود که آیا قرار است آن بخش از حاکمیت هم حرکتی به سمت آینده ی روشن داشته باشد؟
متن کامل مصاحبه کلمه با مریم شربتدار قدس، همسر فیض الله عرب سرخی را با هم میخوانیم:در خبرها آمده بود آقای عرب سرخی به مرخصی نیامدند بلکه آزاد شدند، بازگشت امروز ایشان به اوین به چه دلیلی بوده است؟
صبح از دادسرای اوین با خودشان تماس گرفته و گفته بودند که بیایید برای اجرای احکام. آنجا برایشان توضیح داده بودند که در آزادی ایشان اشتباهی صورت گرفته و باید برگردند به اوین.
یعنی اصلا در جریان نبودید و آزادی ایشان کتبی ابلاغ شده بوده؟
اصلا خبر نداشتیم. برگه ی آزادی داخل زندان به خودشان ابلاغ شده بود و مراحل رسمی بوده است. من حتی نتوانستم با ایشان خداحافظی کنم. نه من نه بچه ها، نه خانواده. خودش هم فکر کرده بود که یک احضار ساده است برای همین هیچ وسیله و لباسی همراه نداشتند.
این اشتباه از طرف کدام نهاد صورت گرفته؟
خود سازمان زندانها نامه ای به ایشان نشان داده و گفته بودند که آزاد شدی و پرونده ات منع تعقیب خورده است. من فکر می کنم این ها عادت کرده اند به آزار دادن افراد. این هم یک نوع شکنجه است. با اعصاب و روان همه بازی می کنند. هم فرد زندانی و هم خانوده ها. انگار اصلا برایشان روح و روان افراد اهمیتی ندارد. شانس آوردیم که امروز روز ملاقات ۳۵۰ بود و من توانستم بلافاصله به اوین بروم و در جریان دلیل برگشتنشان به اوین قرار بگیرم. وگرنه باید یک هفته صبر می کردم.
روحیه آقای عرب سرخی بعد از این بازگشت ناگهانی چطور بود؟
روحیه ایشان که خیلی خوب بود. همسرم بیرون بود ناراحت بود که دوستانش آنجا هستند و خودش بیرون. ما دوست داریم همه بیایند بیرون. البته متعجب بود که اشتباه یعنی چه؟ یک شب بگویند شما آزادی و همه ی وسایلت را هم ببر و بعد از چند روز زنگ بزنند که برگرد. نمی دونم والله چه چیز را می خواهند ثابت کنند.
آیا شما پیگیری قضایی خاصی خواهید کرد؟
نه. تجربه دو سال و اندی نشان داده که خیلی این ها نه با درخواست های ما کاری دارند نه با شکایت هایمان. ما شکایت هم که می کنیم از طرف تجلیل می کنند و ما را توبیخ که چرا شکایت کردید. مگر پرونده سردار مشفق را فراموش کردید؟ شاکیان را به زندان برگرداندند که چرا شکایت خود را پس نگرفتند. من به شخصه پیگیری قضایی نمیکنم و ایشان و باقی زندانی ها را سپرده ام به خدا.مسیر قانونی ای هم احساس نمی کنم برایمان مانده باشد. کسی گوش شنوایی برای شنیدن این حرفها ندارد. وگرنه خود آقایان بهتر از همه به پرونده های این عزیزان اشراف دارند. کلا باید گفت چشم آقایان روشن که اختلاسگران رها و آزادند و افراد سالم و خدمتگذار پشت میله های زندان.با توجه به اینکه این بازگشت غیر منتظره بود، لحظه ای که ایشان را از پشت شیشه های سالن ملاقات دیدید چه حسی به شما دست داد؟
بالاخره چون ما هنوز بر سر باورهای و حرف هایمان هستیم خیلی به آزادی دل خوش نکرده بودیم و منتظر بودیم دوباره به بهانه ای دیگر سراغ ایشان بیایند. البته دیدن ایشان از پشت آن شیشه ها و با گوشی تلفن حرف زدن همیشه بد است و هر بار آزار دهنده است. ولی واقعیتش را بخواهید دخترم خیلی بهم ریخت. آنقدر از نظر روحی حالش بد شد که حتی برای ملاقات هم نتوانست بیاید. نفرین های از ته دلش دلم را لرزاند. وای به روزی که جواب این آه ها بیاید.
به نظر شما این حرکت چه پیامی و برای چه کسانی می تواند داشته باشد؟
راستش نمی دانم، ما اول در عین حال که ناراحت بودیم که بقیه نیامده اند بیرون، ولی فکر کردیم که شاید واقعا می خواهند به عقلانیت برگردند و فضا را آرام کنند. تصور ما این بود که تصمیم گرفته اند یکی یکی آزاد کنند. اما با حرکتی که امروز دیدیم احساس می کنم بیشتر می خواهند بازی روانی راه بیاندازند.
تحلیل آقای عرب سرخی در این یک هفته از اوضاع و شرایط چه بود؟
با توجه به اینکه مدت کوتاهی بود، خیلی فرصت صحبت پیش نیامد و بیشتر به دیدار دوستان و آشنایان گذشت. اما امیدوار بودند که شاید تصمیم گرفته شده باشد زندانیان را آزاد کنند و فضا را از بحران خارج کنند در راستای شروط آقای خاتمی.
از پرونده دخترتان چه خبر؟ دادگاهی تشکیل شده است یا خیر؟
پرونده هنوز مفتوح است و خبری ندادند غیر از اخطار ممنوع الخروجی که هفته ی پیش برایش فرستادند.
با توجه به اینکه گفتید پیگیری قضایی نخواهید کرد پیام خاصی به مقامات قضایی دارید که از این طریق بشنوند؟
همانطور که همیشه گفته ام خودشان هم می دانند که چه دستهایی در کار است که کل نظام و مملکت و همه چیز را به باد می دهد. عقلانیت اجازه نمی دهد که مملکت در چنین مسیری قرار گیرد. انسان عاقل نباید عقلش را به دست این هایی که نمی دانم واقعا دنبال چه هستند و یا چه هدفی دارند بدهد. مراقب باشند که مملکت به فنا نرود. باید دنبال مجرمین اصلی بگردند وگرنه روزی متوجه می شوند که دیگر خیلی دیر شده است.اگر صحبتی با خوانندگان سایت کلمه دارید بفرمایید.من احساس می کنم که مردم آنقدر آگاهی دارند که خودشان تشخیص دهند که چه کسی حرف حق را میزند و چه کسی ناحق می گوید، همین که مردم می دانند برای ما دلگرمی است.
متن کامل مصاحبه کلمه با مریم شربتدار قدس، همسر فیض الله عرب سرخی را با هم میخوانیم:در خبرها آمده بود آقای عرب سرخی به مرخصی نیامدند بلکه آزاد شدند، بازگشت امروز ایشان به اوین به چه دلیلی بوده است؟
صبح از دادسرای اوین با خودشان تماس گرفته و گفته بودند که بیایید برای اجرای احکام. آنجا برایشان توضیح داده بودند که در آزادی ایشان اشتباهی صورت گرفته و باید برگردند به اوین.
یعنی اصلا در جریان نبودید و آزادی ایشان کتبی ابلاغ شده بوده؟
اصلا خبر نداشتیم. برگه ی آزادی داخل زندان به خودشان ابلاغ شده بود و مراحل رسمی بوده است. من حتی نتوانستم با ایشان خداحافظی کنم. نه من نه بچه ها، نه خانواده. خودش هم فکر کرده بود که یک احضار ساده است برای همین هیچ وسیله و لباسی همراه نداشتند.
این اشتباه از طرف کدام نهاد صورت گرفته؟
خود سازمان زندانها نامه ای به ایشان نشان داده و گفته بودند که آزاد شدی و پرونده ات منع تعقیب خورده است. من فکر می کنم این ها عادت کرده اند به آزار دادن افراد. این هم یک نوع شکنجه است. با اعصاب و روان همه بازی می کنند. هم فرد زندانی و هم خانوده ها. انگار اصلا برایشان روح و روان افراد اهمیتی ندارد. شانس آوردیم که امروز روز ملاقات ۳۵۰ بود و من توانستم بلافاصله به اوین بروم و در جریان دلیل برگشتنشان به اوین قرار بگیرم. وگرنه باید یک هفته صبر می کردم.
روحیه آقای عرب سرخی بعد از این بازگشت ناگهانی چطور بود؟
روحیه ایشان که خیلی خوب بود. همسرم بیرون بود ناراحت بود که دوستانش آنجا هستند و خودش بیرون. ما دوست داریم همه بیایند بیرون. البته متعجب بود که اشتباه یعنی چه؟ یک شب بگویند شما آزادی و همه ی وسایلت را هم ببر و بعد از چند روز زنگ بزنند که برگرد. نمی دونم والله چه چیز را می خواهند ثابت کنند.
آیا شما پیگیری قضایی خاصی خواهید کرد؟
نه. تجربه دو سال و اندی نشان داده که خیلی این ها نه با درخواست های ما کاری دارند نه با شکایت هایمان. ما شکایت هم که می کنیم از طرف تجلیل می کنند و ما را توبیخ که چرا شکایت کردید. مگر پرونده سردار مشفق را فراموش کردید؟ شاکیان را به زندان برگرداندند که چرا شکایت خود را پس نگرفتند. من به شخصه پیگیری قضایی نمیکنم و ایشان و باقی زندانی ها را سپرده ام به خدا.مسیر قانونی ای هم احساس نمی کنم برایمان مانده باشد. کسی گوش شنوایی برای شنیدن این حرفها ندارد. وگرنه خود آقایان بهتر از همه به پرونده های این عزیزان اشراف دارند. کلا باید گفت چشم آقایان روشن که اختلاسگران رها و آزادند و افراد سالم و خدمتگذار پشت میله های زندان.با توجه به اینکه این بازگشت غیر منتظره بود، لحظه ای که ایشان را از پشت شیشه های سالن ملاقات دیدید چه حسی به شما دست داد؟
بالاخره چون ما هنوز بر سر باورهای و حرف هایمان هستیم خیلی به آزادی دل خوش نکرده بودیم و منتظر بودیم دوباره به بهانه ای دیگر سراغ ایشان بیایند. البته دیدن ایشان از پشت آن شیشه ها و با گوشی تلفن حرف زدن همیشه بد است و هر بار آزار دهنده است. ولی واقعیتش را بخواهید دخترم خیلی بهم ریخت. آنقدر از نظر روحی حالش بد شد که حتی برای ملاقات هم نتوانست بیاید. نفرین های از ته دلش دلم را لرزاند. وای به روزی که جواب این آه ها بیاید.
به نظر شما این حرکت چه پیامی و برای چه کسانی می تواند داشته باشد؟
راستش نمی دانم، ما اول در عین حال که ناراحت بودیم که بقیه نیامده اند بیرون، ولی فکر کردیم که شاید واقعا می خواهند به عقلانیت برگردند و فضا را آرام کنند. تصور ما این بود که تصمیم گرفته اند یکی یکی آزاد کنند. اما با حرکتی که امروز دیدیم احساس می کنم بیشتر می خواهند بازی روانی راه بیاندازند.
تحلیل آقای عرب سرخی در این یک هفته از اوضاع و شرایط چه بود؟
با توجه به اینکه مدت کوتاهی بود، خیلی فرصت صحبت پیش نیامد و بیشتر به دیدار دوستان و آشنایان گذشت. اما امیدوار بودند که شاید تصمیم گرفته شده باشد زندانیان را آزاد کنند و فضا را از بحران خارج کنند در راستای شروط آقای خاتمی.
از پرونده دخترتان چه خبر؟ دادگاهی تشکیل شده است یا خیر؟
پرونده هنوز مفتوح است و خبری ندادند غیر از اخطار ممنوع الخروجی که هفته ی پیش برایش فرستادند.
با توجه به اینکه گفتید پیگیری قضایی نخواهید کرد پیام خاصی به مقامات قضایی دارید که از این طریق بشنوند؟
همانطور که همیشه گفته ام خودشان هم می دانند که چه دستهایی در کار است که کل نظام و مملکت و همه چیز را به باد می دهد. عقلانیت اجازه نمی دهد که مملکت در چنین مسیری قرار گیرد. انسان عاقل نباید عقلش را به دست این هایی که نمی دانم واقعا دنبال چه هستند و یا چه هدفی دارند بدهد. مراقب باشند که مملکت به فنا نرود. باید دنبال مجرمین اصلی بگردند وگرنه روزی متوجه می شوند که دیگر خیلی دیر شده است.اگر صحبتی با خوانندگان سایت کلمه دارید بفرمایید.من احساس می کنم که مردم آنقدر آگاهی دارند که خودشان تشخیص دهند که چه کسی حرف حق را میزند و چه کسی ناحق می گوید، همین که مردم می دانند برای ما دلگرمی است.
LONDON (AFP) — Iran must immediately free Abdolfattah Soltani, a prominent human rights lawyer rearrested at the weekend after spending months behind bars between 2005 and 2009, Amnesty International said on Monday. Soltani, a co-founder of the Centre for Human Rights Defenders along with Nobel Laureate Shirin Ebadi and others, was arrested Saturday at a prosecutor’s office in Tehran, the London-based rights watchdog said.
His wife said that four security officials then escorted him to his home, where they confiscated computers and documents before taking him away, Amnesty added.
“Abdolfattah Soltani is one of the bravest human rights defenders in Iran. He has represented defendants in some of the most controversial human rights cases for over a decade, refusing to bow to pressure from the Iranian authorities,” said Malcolm Smart, Amnesty’s Middle East and North Africa director.
“Now he is again paying the price for that commitment,” he said in a statement.
The Ebadi centre is an outspoken critic of the human rights situation in Iran and has defended scores of prisoners of conscience, student activists and dissidents in recent years.
It has come under mounting pressure since its office was shut down in a police raid in December 2008.
Soltani, previously recognised by Amnesty as a prisoner of conscience detained solely for his work, has been arrested several times in the past.
In 2005, he spent seven months behind bars, but was eventually acquitted of all charges, Amnesty said.
He also spent two months in detention in 2009, a week after the June 12 presidential polls, won by hardline incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad amid opposition allegations of fraud.
In 2008, the German city of Nuremberg gave Soltani a prestigious human rights award, but he was prevented from traveling there by an Iranian ban.
Ebadi, the 2003 Nobel peace prize winner, who is currently outside Iran, has called for a fresh election under UN surveillance to end violence in Iran and urged UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to visit the Islamic republic.
She has also urged Iranian authorities to halt the “show trials” of political opponents, release detainees, end censorship and compensate victims of government violence.
His wife said that four security officials then escorted him to his home, where they confiscated computers and documents before taking him away, Amnesty added.
“Abdolfattah Soltani is one of the bravest human rights defenders in Iran. He has represented defendants in some of the most controversial human rights cases for over a decade, refusing to bow to pressure from the Iranian authorities,” said Malcolm Smart, Amnesty’s Middle East and North Africa director.
“Now he is again paying the price for that commitment,” he said in a statement.
The Ebadi centre is an outspoken critic of the human rights situation in Iran and has defended scores of prisoners of conscience, student activists and dissidents in recent years.
It has come under mounting pressure since its office was shut down in a police raid in December 2008.
Soltani, previously recognised by Amnesty as a prisoner of conscience detained solely for his work, has been arrested several times in the past.
In 2005, he spent seven months behind bars, but was eventually acquitted of all charges, Amnesty said.
He also spent two months in detention in 2009, a week after the June 12 presidential polls, won by hardline incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad amid opposition allegations of fraud.
In 2008, the German city of Nuremberg gave Soltani a prestigious human rights award, but he was prevented from traveling there by an Iranian ban.
Ebadi, the 2003 Nobel peace prize winner, who is currently outside Iran, has called for a fresh election under UN surveillance to end violence in Iran and urged UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to visit the Islamic republic.
She has also urged Iranian authorities to halt the “show trials” of political opponents, release detainees, end censorship and compensate victims of government violence.
HRANA News Agency – The Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution (IRGC) in Salmas County has published and distributed a pamphlet asking tribal forces and those living in border regions to fight against Kurdish Workers’ Party (PJAK). According to a report by Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA), IRGC has asked Kurdish citizens to begin an armed conflict against Kurdish Workers’ Party. IRGC agents have begun an orchestrated propaganda against PJAK by pressuring and threatened underprivileged citizens in the border regions to join the Basiji Milita in order to help the Islamic government to defeat PJAK.
In the pamphlet released by the Revolutionary Guard, IRGC warns the members and supporters of PJAK in Iran and says, “We ask courageous Kurds and honorable tribes in Salmas County not to tolerate injustice and oppression perpetrated by PJAK and to defend your honor, lives, properties, families and country by waging war against this group. Don’t remain silent until the last of these mercenaries are wiped off the face of this earth.”
According to the international rules of war and military engagement, civilians and their safety and security must not be endangered or threatened deliberately by the armed conflict between two adversaries. IRGC’s statement calling for armed confrontation between civilians and PJAK has militarized the region and has intentionally carried the current conflict into civilians’ lives.
In the pamphlet released by the Revolutionary Guard, IRGC warns the members and supporters of PJAK in Iran and says, “We ask courageous Kurds and honorable tribes in Salmas County not to tolerate injustice and oppression perpetrated by PJAK and to defend your honor, lives, properties, families and country by waging war against this group. Don’t remain silent until the last of these mercenaries are wiped off the face of this earth.”
According to the international rules of war and military engagement, civilians and their safety and security must not be endangered or threatened deliberately by the armed conflict between two adversaries. IRGC’s statement calling for armed confrontation between civilians and PJAK has militarized the region and has intentionally carried the current conflict into civilians’ lives.
HRANA News Agency – Shahrokh Zamani, Nima Pouryaghob, Mohammad Jarahi and Sasan Vahebivash have been sentenced to heavy prison terms in Tabriz, Iran. According to a report by Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA), the aforementioned individuals are labor activists and students in the city of Tabriz. The Revolutionary Court, Branch 1, has issued verdicts sentencing them to a total of 22 years and 6 months in prison. A fifth defender, Buick Sydler, was found not guilty.
Shahrokh Zamani was sentenced to 11 years in prison on charges of organizing an opposition group and propaganda against the regime.
Mohammad Jarahi received a 5 year prison term for organizing an opposition group. Nima Pouryaghob was sentenced to 6 years in prison on charges of organizing an opposition group and propaganda against the regime.
Sasan Vahebivash received a 6 month prison term on charges of the membership in an organization opposing IRI and propaganda against the regime.
The Revolutionary Court, Branch 1, tried and convicted these leftist labor activists and students on August 18, 2011. Prior to this trial, a bail approximately equivalent to $94,000 was set for Nima Pouryaghob while Sasan Vahebivash and Buick Sydler each posted approximately $30,000 bail to be temporally released from Tabriz Prison.
The verdicts issued against these political activists are unprecedented in Tabriz in the recent few years.
Shahrokh Zamani was sentenced to 11 years in prison on charges of organizing an opposition group and propaganda against the regime.
Mohammad Jarahi received a 5 year prison term for organizing an opposition group. Nima Pouryaghob was sentenced to 6 years in prison on charges of organizing an opposition group and propaganda against the regime.
Sasan Vahebivash received a 6 month prison term on charges of the membership in an organization opposing IRI and propaganda against the regime.
The Revolutionary Court, Branch 1, tried and convicted these leftist labor activists and students on August 18, 2011. Prior to this trial, a bail approximately equivalent to $94,000 was set for Nima Pouryaghob while Sasan Vahebivash and Buick Sydler each posted approximately $30,000 bail to be temporally released from Tabriz Prison.
The verdicts issued against these political activists are unprecedented in Tabriz in the recent few years.
HRANA News Agency – Early Tuesday morning, on September 13, 2011, Kosha Parsa Motlagh was hanged in public. The hanging took place on Darya Blvd., past Imam Sadegh University crossing near the location where Kosha Motlagh had killed and stabbed his classmate, Mahsa, on July 6, 2011. Since the crime occurred on Tehran’s Modiriat Bridge, this murder is often referred to as “Modiriat Bridge Murder.”
September 6th, 2011: 200 days after the illegal house arrest of the leaders of the Green movement, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, 33 political prisoners published a statement from inside Evin prison demanding an end to this unjust and illegal house arrest.
The signatories of the statement include prisoners with a variety of political, social and cultural affiliations, including members of the Participation Front, The Islamic Revolution Mojahedin Organization [reformist political group not to be confused with the MKO], Advar Tahkim, The Freedom Movement, National-Religious groups, journalists, human rights activists and individuals closely associated with Mir Hossein Mousavi.
The complete content of the statement as provided to Kaleme is as follows:
To the honorable nation of Iran,
It has been 200 days since the illegal house arrest of the honorable and dignified leaders of the Green movement, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, leaders who during the entire course of the movement have stood proud and resilient on the side of the people, refusing to bow to the lawlessness and violation of human rights by the ruling government of Iran.
Our citizens are fully aware that Mousavi and Karroubi who were both established leaders within the regime, are only guilty of defending the people’s vote and protesting against the electoral coup d’etat, a scandal that is even more evident today. These honorable leaders are guilty of having remained loyal to the central slogans of the Islamic Republic, namely “Independence, Freedom & The Islamic Republic”, emphasizing the importance of the implementation of free and fair elections.
The implementation of free and fair elections in 2009 without interference by security forces could have led to the narrowing of the gap between the people and the ruling government, setting the foundation for national sovereignty, political participation and improvement in the country’s affairs and four years of uninterrupted reforms leading to continuity and efficiency within the regime.
The response by the armed ruling government to the legal, peaceful demonstration of a nation protesting against the widespread atrocities and electoral fraud was the suppression of protesting citizens and the subsequent house arrest of Mousavi and Karroubi; a house arrest that many believe is more difficult to endure than normal prison conditions.
High ranking government officials who repeatedly boast about upholding the law have resorted instead to labeling the protests of millions of citizens as a revolt and a sedition, laying the foundation for the suppression of the people. How can they claim to uphold the law and justify the house arrest of Mousavi and Karroubi in the absence of a judicial due process and without issuing a warrant or holding a trial?
Even if this house arrest and the restrictions associated with it, is considered a temporary detention, under what articles of the penal code were these acts committed? What are the charges against the leaders of the Green movement and who is the judge that has handed down such charges? What is the legal precedence for such a long house arrest? When exactly does the judiciary intend to begin a judicial due process in order to determine the truth and all that went unsaid regarding what happened during and after the presidential elections?
Mousavi and Karroubi have both repeatedly stated that they are ready and willing to participate in a public trial. What then is the reason for such a long detention without a trial? Does this type of behavior demonstrate the authority of the regime? If what the authorities continue to state is indeed true and the Green movement has been squelched as a result of the regimes authority, then they have nothing to worry about, rendering the continued illegal arrest of Mousavi, Karroubi and their honorable spouses Zahra Rahnavard and Fatemeh Karroubi meaningless. Does this act not represent the desperation of a ruling government unwilling to admit to its failure to fulfill the demands of its people?
The fact that all legal precedence and judicial due process was ignored in the case of Mousavi and Karroubi, is a sign of obvious abuse of power and the transformation of the Islamic Republic from a government based on national sovereignty to an authoritarian state that will abuse power, ignoring all laws, religion and morality in order to achieve its own goals.
To the honorable nation of Iran,
The Green movement began in 2009 as a result of our citizens’ demands to hold free and fair elections, an undeniable right of every nation. The movement sought to uphold the rights of citizens as described in the Constitution, emphasizing the freedom of expression and the right to protest and has paid a heavy price in order to restore the legal rights of our nation. What is strange and ironic is that the ruling government supports each and every movement in the Middle East fighting against dictatorial regimes, advising the government’s of these countries to recognize the rights of their citizens to self sovereignty and yet they will not provide these same rights to their own citizens, behaving in a manner very similar to the rulers of those countries.
Even more unfortunate, when the former president Mohammad Khatami stressed the importance of freedom for political parties, freedom of the press, the release of all political prisoners and holding free and fair elections as the bear minimum requirements for political participation, the totalitarian regime responded in an aggressive and offensive manner, attacking Khatami, demanding to know why conditions were being defined for the regime. The reality is that all undemocratic governments seek to impose unequivocal and undisputed obedience, rather than looking for ways to implement rational solutions that will lead the country to democracy with the least amount of personal costs.
Unfortunately the ruling government rejected even their own statistics with regards to the presidential elections that claimed fourteen million (?!) voted for reformist candidates and rather than recognizing the rights of millions of voters the government chose to engage in the widespread suppression of citizens through a heavy military atmosphere , a tactic that to date has had little to no results , for the Green movement is still alive and dynamic. These gentlemen did not even dare to issue permits for peaceful protests and were even fearful of allowing funeral services for a renowned national athlete and well known political figure.*
The behavior of the ruling government in the past two years regardless of the growing concerns by the independent entities within our civil society from the media outlets to political parties and political figures, can only be interpreted as the acts of “governments alienated from their citizens.”
The widespread, illegal and arbitrary arrests and sentences announced a few days prior to the June 15th, 2009 presidential elections, sentences that were issued a few days after the elections and the show trials that ensued, charging many of Mousavi and Karroubi’s supporters, themselves former high ranking members of this regime, is reminiscent of the coup d’etats that took place in previous decades in Latin American countries and the Middle East, including the military coup that took place in Turkey. The house arrest of Mousavi and Karroubi only further demonstrated these similarities. The bitter irony of these events is that our country led the fight against dictatorships and authoritarian regimes in the region. The recent developments and anti authoritarian movements in the Middle East that are gradually eradicating the repressive regimes in the region, also faced such a system of governance.
The authorities within the Islamic Republic are fully aware of the democratic wave taking place in the region, a wave that started because of the Green movement in Iran; a wave that does not understand national borders or boundaries. The experiences in the other countries of the region demonstrates that the repression and suppression of anti-authoritarian movements is not a lasting strategy. It goes without saying that after having paid such a high price, it is difficult for the ruling government to accept that not only were their acts indefensible, but that they also face a serious issue of legitimacy, particularly as it is evident that very few opportunities exist in order to avoid a complete demise and collapse.
In conclusion we a group of political prisoners and signatories of this statement, in addition to condemning the continued illegal house arrest of the leaders of the Green movement, an act that more than anything resembles kidnapping and hostage taking, announce that the only way out of the current crisis facing our country and avoid even higher national consequences is to end the unjust detention of Mousavi and Karroubi and ensure that the minimum requirements as described by Khatami are implemented. The continuation of the policies of the recent years will only lead to the further weakening of the foundations of the regime and its ultimate self destruction and demise.
Alphabetic list of signatories:
1. Bahman Ahmadi Amoui
2. Hassan Asadi Zeidabadi
3. Massoud Bastani
4. Emad Bahavar
5. Ali Reza Beheshti Shirazi
6. Mostafa Tajzadeh
7. Ali Jamali
8. Mohammad Hossein Khorbak
9. Babak Dashab
10. Mohmmad Davari
11. Majid Dori
12. Amir Khosro Dalirsani
13. Ali Reza Rajai
14. Abdollah Ramazanzadeh
15. Isa Saharkhiz
16. Davood Soleymani
17,. Mohammad Seyfzadeh
18. Ghasem Sholehsadi
19. Keyvan Samimi
20. Esmail Sahabeh
21. Mohammad Farid Taheri Ghazvini
22. Feyzollah Arabsorkhi
23. Mehdi Forouzandehpour
24. Siyamak Ghaderi
25. Abolfazl Ghadyani
26. Mohsen Mohaghaghi
27. Mohammad Reza Motamedniya
28. Mohammad Reza Moghiseh
29. Mohsen Mirdamadi
30. Abdollah Momeni
31. Behzad Nabavi
32. Ziya Nabavi
33. Hassan Younesi
With special thanks to Banooye Sabz for English Translation
The signatories of the statement include prisoners with a variety of political, social and cultural affiliations, including members of the Participation Front, The Islamic Revolution Mojahedin Organization [reformist political group not to be confused with the MKO], Advar Tahkim, The Freedom Movement, National-Religious groups, journalists, human rights activists and individuals closely associated with Mir Hossein Mousavi.
The complete content of the statement as provided to Kaleme is as follows:
To the honorable nation of Iran,
It has been 200 days since the illegal house arrest of the honorable and dignified leaders of the Green movement, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, leaders who during the entire course of the movement have stood proud and resilient on the side of the people, refusing to bow to the lawlessness and violation of human rights by the ruling government of Iran.
Our citizens are fully aware that Mousavi and Karroubi who were both established leaders within the regime, are only guilty of defending the people’s vote and protesting against the electoral coup d’etat, a scandal that is even more evident today. These honorable leaders are guilty of having remained loyal to the central slogans of the Islamic Republic, namely “Independence, Freedom & The Islamic Republic”, emphasizing the importance of the implementation of free and fair elections.
The implementation of free and fair elections in 2009 without interference by security forces could have led to the narrowing of the gap between the people and the ruling government, setting the foundation for national sovereignty, political participation and improvement in the country’s affairs and four years of uninterrupted reforms leading to continuity and efficiency within the regime.
The response by the armed ruling government to the legal, peaceful demonstration of a nation protesting against the widespread atrocities and electoral fraud was the suppression of protesting citizens and the subsequent house arrest of Mousavi and Karroubi; a house arrest that many believe is more difficult to endure than normal prison conditions.
High ranking government officials who repeatedly boast about upholding the law have resorted instead to labeling the protests of millions of citizens as a revolt and a sedition, laying the foundation for the suppression of the people. How can they claim to uphold the law and justify the house arrest of Mousavi and Karroubi in the absence of a judicial due process and without issuing a warrant or holding a trial?
Even if this house arrest and the restrictions associated with it, is considered a temporary detention, under what articles of the penal code were these acts committed? What are the charges against the leaders of the Green movement and who is the judge that has handed down such charges? What is the legal precedence for such a long house arrest? When exactly does the judiciary intend to begin a judicial due process in order to determine the truth and all that went unsaid regarding what happened during and after the presidential elections?
Mousavi and Karroubi have both repeatedly stated that they are ready and willing to participate in a public trial. What then is the reason for such a long detention without a trial? Does this type of behavior demonstrate the authority of the regime? If what the authorities continue to state is indeed true and the Green movement has been squelched as a result of the regimes authority, then they have nothing to worry about, rendering the continued illegal arrest of Mousavi, Karroubi and their honorable spouses Zahra Rahnavard and Fatemeh Karroubi meaningless. Does this act not represent the desperation of a ruling government unwilling to admit to its failure to fulfill the demands of its people?
The fact that all legal precedence and judicial due process was ignored in the case of Mousavi and Karroubi, is a sign of obvious abuse of power and the transformation of the Islamic Republic from a government based on national sovereignty to an authoritarian state that will abuse power, ignoring all laws, religion and morality in order to achieve its own goals.
To the honorable nation of Iran,
The Green movement began in 2009 as a result of our citizens’ demands to hold free and fair elections, an undeniable right of every nation. The movement sought to uphold the rights of citizens as described in the Constitution, emphasizing the freedom of expression and the right to protest and has paid a heavy price in order to restore the legal rights of our nation. What is strange and ironic is that the ruling government supports each and every movement in the Middle East fighting against dictatorial regimes, advising the government’s of these countries to recognize the rights of their citizens to self sovereignty and yet they will not provide these same rights to their own citizens, behaving in a manner very similar to the rulers of those countries.
Even more unfortunate, when the former president Mohammad Khatami stressed the importance of freedom for political parties, freedom of the press, the release of all political prisoners and holding free and fair elections as the bear minimum requirements for political participation, the totalitarian regime responded in an aggressive and offensive manner, attacking Khatami, demanding to know why conditions were being defined for the regime. The reality is that all undemocratic governments seek to impose unequivocal and undisputed obedience, rather than looking for ways to implement rational solutions that will lead the country to democracy with the least amount of personal costs.
Unfortunately the ruling government rejected even their own statistics with regards to the presidential elections that claimed fourteen million (?!) voted for reformist candidates and rather than recognizing the rights of millions of voters the government chose to engage in the widespread suppression of citizens through a heavy military atmosphere , a tactic that to date has had little to no results , for the Green movement is still alive and dynamic. These gentlemen did not even dare to issue permits for peaceful protests and were even fearful of allowing funeral services for a renowned national athlete and well known political figure.*
The behavior of the ruling government in the past two years regardless of the growing concerns by the independent entities within our civil society from the media outlets to political parties and political figures, can only be interpreted as the acts of “governments alienated from their citizens.”
The widespread, illegal and arbitrary arrests and sentences announced a few days prior to the June 15th, 2009 presidential elections, sentences that were issued a few days after the elections and the show trials that ensued, charging many of Mousavi and Karroubi’s supporters, themselves former high ranking members of this regime, is reminiscent of the coup d’etats that took place in previous decades in Latin American countries and the Middle East, including the military coup that took place in Turkey. The house arrest of Mousavi and Karroubi only further demonstrated these similarities. The bitter irony of these events is that our country led the fight against dictatorships and authoritarian regimes in the region. The recent developments and anti authoritarian movements in the Middle East that are gradually eradicating the repressive regimes in the region, also faced such a system of governance.
The authorities within the Islamic Republic are fully aware of the democratic wave taking place in the region, a wave that started because of the Green movement in Iran; a wave that does not understand national borders or boundaries. The experiences in the other countries of the region demonstrates that the repression and suppression of anti-authoritarian movements is not a lasting strategy. It goes without saying that after having paid such a high price, it is difficult for the ruling government to accept that not only were their acts indefensible, but that they also face a serious issue of legitimacy, particularly as it is evident that very few opportunities exist in order to avoid a complete demise and collapse.
In conclusion we a group of political prisoners and signatories of this statement, in addition to condemning the continued illegal house arrest of the leaders of the Green movement, an act that more than anything resembles kidnapping and hostage taking, announce that the only way out of the current crisis facing our country and avoid even higher national consequences is to end the unjust detention of Mousavi and Karroubi and ensure that the minimum requirements as described by Khatami are implemented. The continuation of the policies of the recent years will only lead to the further weakening of the foundations of the regime and its ultimate self destruction and demise.
Alphabetic list of signatories:
1. Bahman Ahmadi Amoui
2. Hassan Asadi Zeidabadi
3. Massoud Bastani
4. Emad Bahavar
5. Ali Reza Beheshti Shirazi
6. Mostafa Tajzadeh
7. Ali Jamali
8. Mohammad Hossein Khorbak
9. Babak Dashab
10. Mohmmad Davari
11. Majid Dori
12. Amir Khosro Dalirsani
13. Ali Reza Rajai
14. Abdollah Ramazanzadeh
15. Isa Saharkhiz
16. Davood Soleymani
17,. Mohammad Seyfzadeh
18. Ghasem Sholehsadi
19. Keyvan Samimi
20. Esmail Sahabeh
21. Mohammad Farid Taheri Ghazvini
22. Feyzollah Arabsorkhi
23. Mehdi Forouzandehpour
24. Siyamak Ghaderi
25. Abolfazl Ghadyani
26. Mohsen Mohaghaghi
27. Mohammad Reza Motamedniya
28. Mohammad Reza Moghiseh
29. Mohsen Mirdamadi
30. Abdollah Momeni
31. Behzad Nabavi
32. Ziya Nabavi
33. Hassan Younesi
With special thanks to Banooye Sabz for English Translation
احمدي نژاد: سكوت ما طولاني نخواهد بود
محمود احمدي نژاد در واكنش به كساني كه دستگاه هاي دولتي را به اختلاس متهم مي كنند گفت: "ما باز هم سكوت ميكنيم كه به خاطر مقام رهبري است، البته اين سكوت وحدت بخش طولاني مدت نخواهد بود".
به گزارش خبرگزاري فارس، آقاي احمدي نژاد امروز ۲۳ شهريور (۱۴ سپتامبر) دولت خود را "پاكترين دولت تاريخ" خواند و از كساني كه "چند ماه است تلاش ميكنند به دولت ضربه زده و دولت را بدون هيچ محدوديتي متهم ميكنند" انتقاد كرد.
اظهارات رئيس جمهور ايران در شرايطي صورت مي گيرد كه انتشار خبر وقوع اختلاسي سه هزار ميليارد توماني در يكي از شعبه هاي بانك صادرات، باعث متهم شدن دولت به فساد مالي توسط گروهي از رسانه ها و سياستمداران شده است.
مصطفي پور محمدي، رئيس سازمان بازرسي كل ايران چند روز پيش در اين مورد گفت: "اين پرونده، بي سابقه ترين پرونده فساد مالي كشور محسوب مي شود و بررسي آن از سال گذشته با جديت تمام آغاز شده است."
آقاي پورمحمدي اظهار داشت كه "اين تخلف سنگين ابتدا از بانك صادرات شروع شده و در ادامه به بانك هاي خصوصي و دولتي ديگر سرايت كرده است."
همزمان با اين سخنان، مدير عامل بانك صادرات ايران در يك نشست خبري گفت كه "اختلاسي از بانك صادرات ايران انجام نشده و سوء استفاده مالي از هفت بانك كشور با استفاده از اسناد جعلي بانك صادرات بوده است".
'عوامل اختلاس شناسايي شوند'محمود احمدي نژاد در سخنان امروز خود، با اشاره به تخلف مالي خبرساز اخير، از قوه قضاييه خواست "عوامل اختلاس سه هزار ميلياردي را از هر جريان و گروهي كه هستند" شناسايي و به او معرفي كند.
آقاي احمدي نژاد اظهار داشت: "خوشبختانه بانك مركزي، وزارت اقتصاد و مسئولان اطلاعاتي دولت متوجه اين موضوع شده و آن را شناسايي كردند و سر و صدايش را در نياورند تا اين افراد را شناسايي و اموالشان را ضبط كنند."
وي افزود: "اصلا خود بنده به بانك مركزي گفتم... يك گروهي به نام تاسيس بانك كارهاي خلافي ميكنند كه ان شاءالله با اصلاح سيستم بانكي بيعدالتي در اخذ وام ريشهكن و راههاي سوءاستفاده بسته خواهد شد."
بنابر گزارشها، در ماجراي اختلاس اخير، فردي كه صاحب چندين شركت است از طريق تباني با رئيس شعبه بانك صادرات در يك كارخانه فولاد در خوزستان، ال سي هاي (اسناد اعتباري) جعلي به مبالغ دهها ميليارد توماني مي گرفته است، بدون اينكه وجه آنها را به بانك بپردازد.
وي اين ال سي ها را به بانك هاي دولتي و خصوصي ديگر مي برده و در آنجا با قيمتي پايين تر از قيمت رسمي ال سي مي فروخته است.
'سكوت وحدت بخش'اظهارات اخير رئيس دولت در مورد "سكوت وحدت بخش"، در شرايطي بيان شده كه وي در خرداد ماه گذشته هم در مصاحبه با خبرنگاران، موضع خود در مورد دستگيري تعدادي از همكاران دولت را "سكوت الهام بخش وحدت" اعلام كرده بود.
با اين حال، وي سه هفته بعد درواكنش به ادامه برخورد قضايي با همكارانش گفت: "كابينه خط قرمزي است كه اگر بخواهند به آن دستاندازي كنند، ديگر من بايد وظيفه قانوني خود را انجام دهم و اين حتما به كشور آسيب ميزند."
محمود احمدي نژاد در بخش ديگري از اظهارات آن زمان خود، برخوردهاي انجام شده با دولت را "سياسي" توصيف كرد و هدف آن را "فشار به دولت" دانست.
به گزارش خبرگزاري فارس، آقاي احمدي نژاد امروز ۲۳ شهريور (۱۴ سپتامبر) دولت خود را "پاكترين دولت تاريخ" خواند و از كساني كه "چند ماه است تلاش ميكنند به دولت ضربه زده و دولت را بدون هيچ محدوديتي متهم ميكنند" انتقاد كرد.
اظهارات رئيس جمهور ايران در شرايطي صورت مي گيرد كه انتشار خبر وقوع اختلاسي سه هزار ميليارد توماني در يكي از شعبه هاي بانك صادرات، باعث متهم شدن دولت به فساد مالي توسط گروهي از رسانه ها و سياستمداران شده است.
مصطفي پور محمدي، رئيس سازمان بازرسي كل ايران چند روز پيش در اين مورد گفت: "اين پرونده، بي سابقه ترين پرونده فساد مالي كشور محسوب مي شود و بررسي آن از سال گذشته با جديت تمام آغاز شده است."
آقاي پورمحمدي اظهار داشت كه "اين تخلف سنگين ابتدا از بانك صادرات شروع شده و در ادامه به بانك هاي خصوصي و دولتي ديگر سرايت كرده است."
همزمان با اين سخنان، مدير عامل بانك صادرات ايران در يك نشست خبري گفت كه "اختلاسي از بانك صادرات ايران انجام نشده و سوء استفاده مالي از هفت بانك كشور با استفاده از اسناد جعلي بانك صادرات بوده است".
'عوامل اختلاس شناسايي شوند'محمود احمدي نژاد در سخنان امروز خود، با اشاره به تخلف مالي خبرساز اخير، از قوه قضاييه خواست "عوامل اختلاس سه هزار ميلياردي را از هر جريان و گروهي كه هستند" شناسايي و به او معرفي كند.
آقاي احمدي نژاد اظهار داشت: "خوشبختانه بانك مركزي، وزارت اقتصاد و مسئولان اطلاعاتي دولت متوجه اين موضوع شده و آن را شناسايي كردند و سر و صدايش را در نياورند تا اين افراد را شناسايي و اموالشان را ضبط كنند."
وي افزود: "اصلا خود بنده به بانك مركزي گفتم... يك گروهي به نام تاسيس بانك كارهاي خلافي ميكنند كه ان شاءالله با اصلاح سيستم بانكي بيعدالتي در اخذ وام ريشهكن و راههاي سوءاستفاده بسته خواهد شد."
بنابر گزارشها، در ماجراي اختلاس اخير، فردي كه صاحب چندين شركت است از طريق تباني با رئيس شعبه بانك صادرات در يك كارخانه فولاد در خوزستان، ال سي هاي (اسناد اعتباري) جعلي به مبالغ دهها ميليارد توماني مي گرفته است، بدون اينكه وجه آنها را به بانك بپردازد.
وي اين ال سي ها را به بانك هاي دولتي و خصوصي ديگر مي برده و در آنجا با قيمتي پايين تر از قيمت رسمي ال سي مي فروخته است.
'سكوت وحدت بخش'اظهارات اخير رئيس دولت در مورد "سكوت وحدت بخش"، در شرايطي بيان شده كه وي در خرداد ماه گذشته هم در مصاحبه با خبرنگاران، موضع خود در مورد دستگيري تعدادي از همكاران دولت را "سكوت الهام بخش وحدت" اعلام كرده بود.
با اين حال، وي سه هفته بعد درواكنش به ادامه برخورد قضايي با همكارانش گفت: "كابينه خط قرمزي است كه اگر بخواهند به آن دستاندازي كنند، ديگر من بايد وظيفه قانوني خود را انجام دهم و اين حتما به كشور آسيب ميزند."
محمود احمدي نژاد در بخش ديگري از اظهارات آن زمان خود، برخوردهاي انجام شده با دولت را "سياسي" توصيف كرد و هدف آن را "فشار به دولت" دانست.
says report by UN jurist Geoffrey Roberston
Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, former President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, recent presidential candidate Mir Hossein Moussavi and a number of sitting and retired judges and officials, including former head of the Supreme Court, Abdolkarim Mousavi Ardebili, are all liable to arrest under international law for complicity in the murder of thousands of political prisoners at the end of the Iran/Iraq War. This is the conclusion of a 145-page report by Geoffrey Robertson QC, who urges the Security Council to set up a special court, along the lines of the International Tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda, to try these men “for one of the worst single human rights atrocities since the Second World War”.
The report concludes that the leaders were guilty of implementing a fatwa issued by Ayatollah Khomeini in July 1988, which sentenced thousands of political prisoners to death without a trial. At Tehran’s notorious Evin Prison and twenty other prisons through out Iran. Dissidents who had previously been sentenced to various prison terms and had refused to recant their religious beliefs were blindfolded and paraded before judges who directed thousands to the gallows. “They were hung from cranes, four at a time, or in groups of six from ropes hanging from the stage of the prison assembly hall. Their bodies were doused with disinfectant, packed in refrigerated trucks, and buried by night in mass graves. The locations of which are still withheld from their families”.
Mr Robertson concludes that the leaders of Iran planned for this “final solution” when it became clear that they would have to accept a truce with Iraq. Death committees (a religious judge, a prosecutor and an intelligence official) were sent to prisons to arrange the extermination of steadfast sympathizers of Mojahedin Khalq Organization. Then came the turn of the Marxists and atheists who were born in Muslim families and were declared apostates. The men were hanged and the women were tortured until they repented.
The evidence set out in the report shows that the victims were killed because of their beliefs about religion – because they were atheists or because they were Muslims who opposed the Ayatollah’s version of Islam (the “Guardianship of the Jurist”) that had been adopted by the theocratic state.
Mr Robertson points out that the crime of genocide includes the destruction of groups because of their religious beliefs or non-beliefs and that those who implemented the fatwa, which directed the extermination of prisoners because of their different religious beliefs, were committing genocide. The significance of this finding is that it would give the international community a legal basis for arresting many of the present leadership of Iran.
The report uncovers official statements justifying the slaughter and identifies those present leaders who are suspected of participating in its implementation and cover-up. The best known are the current Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was then president of the Islamic Republic, Ali Rafsanjani, still a powerful political player, was then the speaker of the islamic parliament, who, when asked about killing prisoners replied: "Do you think we should have given them sweets?"Then there is the man who in 1988 was Iran's prime minister – Mir Hussein Mousavi, today's reform movement leader. The report uncovers hitherto unknown statements by Mir Hossein Moussavi justifying the action. Mr Robertson says “he has not given any account of his role at the time, or his reaction to it today, although he is frequently asked. His statements at the time were part of the cover-up”.
Mr. Robertson names other currently powerful judges as being complicit in the killings. He says that the scale and cold-bloodedness of these killings, and the fact that they were carefully planned, makes them of greater infamy that the slaughter at Srebrenica and the allied prisoner death marches by Japan at the end of World War II.
The report accuses Tehran of continuing to deny relatives of the victims their right to know where their loved ones are buried. Some months after they were killed, the families were given plastic bags containing their belongings, but were refused all information about their burial places. The location of mass graves has been established in Tehran’s cemetery area, but attempts by families to gather there to mourn on anniversaries of the massacre have been dispersed by the authorities.
The situation in Iran today, the report argues, illustrates the consequences of impunity for crimes against humanity that have never been properly investigated or acknowledged. Some of the leaders who engaged in such a level of lawlessness and barbarity against their own people and their acolytes remain in powerful positions in the judiciary and the state, who’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, has in the past year called upon the Revolutionary Guards to use violence against peaceful protests. “Those staged television show trials of the 1980s, with televised ‘confessions’ by leftist prisoners wracked by torture and fear for their families, writes Geoffrey Robertson, re-emerged in 2009, this time featuring ‘Green Movement’ reformists confessing to participation in an international conspiracy. Once again, dissidents are being prosecuted for being moharebs (“warriors against God”) and some are being sentenced to death”.
The inquiry was conducted for the Washington-based Abdorrahman Boroumand Foundation, an NGO concerned with human rights in Iran.
To see the report on the Massacre of Political Prisoners in Iran please click here
To see the summary of the report please click here
Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, former President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, recent presidential candidate Mir Hossein Moussavi and a number of sitting and retired judges and officials, including former head of the Supreme Court, Abdolkarim Mousavi Ardebili, are all liable to arrest under international law for complicity in the murder of thousands of political prisoners at the end of the Iran/Iraq War. This is the conclusion of a 145-page report by Geoffrey Robertson QC, who urges the Security Council to set up a special court, along the lines of the International Tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda, to try these men “for one of the worst single human rights atrocities since the Second World War”.
The report concludes that the leaders were guilty of implementing a fatwa issued by Ayatollah Khomeini in July 1988, which sentenced thousands of political prisoners to death without a trial. At Tehran’s notorious Evin Prison and twenty other prisons through out Iran. Dissidents who had previously been sentenced to various prison terms and had refused to recant their religious beliefs were blindfolded and paraded before judges who directed thousands to the gallows. “They were hung from cranes, four at a time, or in groups of six from ropes hanging from the stage of the prison assembly hall. Their bodies were doused with disinfectant, packed in refrigerated trucks, and buried by night in mass graves. The locations of which are still withheld from their families”.
Mr Robertson concludes that the leaders of Iran planned for this “final solution” when it became clear that they would have to accept a truce with Iraq. Death committees (a religious judge, a prosecutor and an intelligence official) were sent to prisons to arrange the extermination of steadfast sympathizers of Mojahedin Khalq Organization. Then came the turn of the Marxists and atheists who were born in Muslim families and were declared apostates. The men were hanged and the women were tortured until they repented.
The evidence set out in the report shows that the victims were killed because of their beliefs about religion – because they were atheists or because they were Muslims who opposed the Ayatollah’s version of Islam (the “Guardianship of the Jurist”) that had been adopted by the theocratic state.
Mr Robertson points out that the crime of genocide includes the destruction of groups because of their religious beliefs or non-beliefs and that those who implemented the fatwa, which directed the extermination of prisoners because of their different religious beliefs, were committing genocide. The significance of this finding is that it would give the international community a legal basis for arresting many of the present leadership of Iran.
The report uncovers official statements justifying the slaughter and identifies those present leaders who are suspected of participating in its implementation and cover-up. The best known are the current Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was then president of the Islamic Republic, Ali Rafsanjani, still a powerful political player, was then the speaker of the islamic parliament, who, when asked about killing prisoners replied: "Do you think we should have given them sweets?"Then there is the man who in 1988 was Iran's prime minister – Mir Hussein Mousavi, today's reform movement leader. The report uncovers hitherto unknown statements by Mir Hossein Moussavi justifying the action. Mr Robertson says “he has not given any account of his role at the time, or his reaction to it today, although he is frequently asked. His statements at the time were part of the cover-up”.
Mr. Robertson names other currently powerful judges as being complicit in the killings. He says that the scale and cold-bloodedness of these killings, and the fact that they were carefully planned, makes them of greater infamy that the slaughter at Srebrenica and the allied prisoner death marches by Japan at the end of World War II.
The report accuses Tehran of continuing to deny relatives of the victims their right to know where their loved ones are buried. Some months after they were killed, the families were given plastic bags containing their belongings, but were refused all information about their burial places. The location of mass graves has been established in Tehran’s cemetery area, but attempts by families to gather there to mourn on anniversaries of the massacre have been dispersed by the authorities.
The situation in Iran today, the report argues, illustrates the consequences of impunity for crimes against humanity that have never been properly investigated or acknowledged. Some of the leaders who engaged in such a level of lawlessness and barbarity against their own people and their acolytes remain in powerful positions in the judiciary and the state, who’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, has in the past year called upon the Revolutionary Guards to use violence against peaceful protests. “Those staged television show trials of the 1980s, with televised ‘confessions’ by leftist prisoners wracked by torture and fear for their families, writes Geoffrey Robertson, re-emerged in 2009, this time featuring ‘Green Movement’ reformists confessing to participation in an international conspiracy. Once again, dissidents are being prosecuted for being moharebs (“warriors against God”) and some are being sentenced to death”.
The inquiry was conducted for the Washington-based Abdorrahman Boroumand Foundation, an NGO concerned with human rights in Iran.
To see the report on the Massacre of Political Prisoners in Iran please click here
To see the summary of the report please click here
12 September 2011
The Iranian authorities must immediately release one of Iran’s most prominent human rights lawyers, Abdolfattah Soltani, who was arrested on Saturday, Amnesty International said today.
Soltani, a co-founder of the Centre for Human Rights Defenders along with Nobel Laureate Shirin Ebadi and others, was arrested at a Prosecutor’s Office in Tehran. His wife told the media that four security officials then escorted him to his home, where they confiscated computers and documents before taking him away.
“Abdolfattah Soltani is one of the bravest human rights defenders in Iran. He has represented defendants in some of the most controversial human rights cases for over a decade, refusing to bow to pressure from the Iranian authorities,” said Malcolm Smart, Amnesty International’s Middle East and North Africa Director. “Now he is again paying the price for that commitment”.
Soltani has been arrested on a number of occasions in the past. In 2005, he spent seven months behind bars, but was eventually acquitted of all charges. He also spent two months in detention in 2009. Amnesty International has previously recognised him as a prisoner of conscience, detained solely for his work as a lawyer and defending human rights.
Abroad, his work has won him international recognition. In 2008 the German city of Nuremberg gave him a prestigious human rights award. But a travel ban imposed by the Iranian authorities prevented him from travelling there to receive it.
However, in Iran, he and fellow members of the Centre for Human Rights Defenders have been penalized by the authorities who forcibly closed their organisation in 2008 and carried out a string of arrests. This clampdown intensified after disputed presidential elections in 2009. Mohammad Seyfzadeh, a co-founder of the Centre, is currently serving a two-year prison term for his role in founding it.
Other human rights organisations whose members have been targeted include the Committee for the Defence of Political Prisoners in Iran, Human Rights Activists in Iran and the Committee of Human Rights Reporters.
Another prominent human rights lawyer, Nasrin Sotoudeh, was sentenced to 11 years in prison earlier this year. Arrested on 4 September 2010, the charges against her included “acting against national security, including membership of the Centre for Human Rights Defenders” – although she denied ever having been a member of the Centre.
She and a number of other imprisoned human rights lawyers, including Mohammad Seyfzadeh, Javid Houtan Kiyan and Mostafa Daneshju, are recognised by Amnesty International as prisoners of conscience.
“The continuing harassment and arrest of Iranian defence lawyers is completely unacceptable.” said Malcolm Smart. “Such actions not only directly violate their rights, but those of their clients, who are finding it increasingly difficult to find legal representation because of the deterrent effect of such arrests.”
The Iranian authorities must immediately release one of Iran’s most prominent human rights lawyers, Abdolfattah Soltani, who was arrested on Saturday, Amnesty International said today.
Soltani, a co-founder of the Centre for Human Rights Defenders along with Nobel Laureate Shirin Ebadi and others, was arrested at a Prosecutor’s Office in Tehran. His wife told the media that four security officials then escorted him to his home, where they confiscated computers and documents before taking him away.
“Abdolfattah Soltani is one of the bravest human rights defenders in Iran. He has represented defendants in some of the most controversial human rights cases for over a decade, refusing to bow to pressure from the Iranian authorities,” said Malcolm Smart, Amnesty International’s Middle East and North Africa Director. “Now he is again paying the price for that commitment”.
Soltani has been arrested on a number of occasions in the past. In 2005, he spent seven months behind bars, but was eventually acquitted of all charges. He also spent two months in detention in 2009. Amnesty International has previously recognised him as a prisoner of conscience, detained solely for his work as a lawyer and defending human rights.
Abroad, his work has won him international recognition. In 2008 the German city of Nuremberg gave him a prestigious human rights award. But a travel ban imposed by the Iranian authorities prevented him from travelling there to receive it.
However, in Iran, he and fellow members of the Centre for Human Rights Defenders have been penalized by the authorities who forcibly closed their organisation in 2008 and carried out a string of arrests. This clampdown intensified after disputed presidential elections in 2009. Mohammad Seyfzadeh, a co-founder of the Centre, is currently serving a two-year prison term for his role in founding it.
Other human rights organisations whose members have been targeted include the Committee for the Defence of Political Prisoners in Iran, Human Rights Activists in Iran and the Committee of Human Rights Reporters.
Another prominent human rights lawyer, Nasrin Sotoudeh, was sentenced to 11 years in prison earlier this year. Arrested on 4 September 2010, the charges against her included “acting against national security, including membership of the Centre for Human Rights Defenders” – although she denied ever having been a member of the Centre.
She and a number of other imprisoned human rights lawyers, including Mohammad Seyfzadeh, Javid Houtan Kiyan and Mostafa Daneshju, are recognised by Amnesty International as prisoners of conscience.
“The continuing harassment and arrest of Iranian defence lawyers is completely unacceptable.” said Malcolm Smart. “Such actions not only directly violate their rights, but those of their clients, who are finding it increasingly difficult to find legal representation because of the deterrent effect of such arrests.”